scholarly journals Achieving The 1.5 °C Goal with Equitable Mitigation in the Latin American Countries

Author(s):  
Cindy Ramírez ◽  
Albert Turon ◽  
Cristián Retamal ◽  
Olga Alcaraz ◽  
Bàrbara Sureda

Abstract During the past years, the impact of climate change in the Latin America region has become more evident, and is affecting its natural resources and delaying sustainable development. Achieving the 1.5°C long-term temperature goal of the Paris Agreement while ensuring the right to sustainable development, is of particular interest for regions such as Latin America which are highly vulnerable and have a low capacity of adaptation. This article seeks to analyse if the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submitted within the Paris Agreement framework by the Latin American countries align with achieving the 1.5°C goal. For this analysis, the cumulative emissions for the 2018–2100 period are distributed among the region and its countries using the climate justice criteria (equality and historical responsibility) outlined in the Model of Climate Justice (MCJ). The results of the MCJ compatible with the 1.5°C global temperature scenario are then compared with the cumulative emissions implied in the NDCs submitted by the Latin American countries. Two main conclusions are obtained from the NDC analysis. First, the Latin American region, in 2030, will consume 67.8% of the emissions budget allocated by the MCJ until the end of the century. Second, this percentage could be reduced if, firstly, the conditional commitments within the NDC that require foreign aid are achieved, and, secondly, those countries that will consume their entire emissions budget by 2030 submit reviewed NDCs that increase the ambition of their mitigation commitments.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (63) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Regina Carla Madalozzo ◽  
Afonso Mariutti Chebib

Abstract Analyzing the “left” and “right” political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the “left” turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of “left” and “right” continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.


2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-308
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Allegret ◽  
Alain Sand-Zantman

This paper assesses the monetary consequences of the Latin-American integration process. Over the period 1991-2007, we analyze a sample of five Latin-American countries focusing on the feasibility of a monetary union between L.A. economies. To this end, we study the issue of business cycle synchronization with the occurrence of common shocks. First, we assess the international disturbances influence on the domestic business cycles. Second, we analyze the impact of the adoption of different exchange rate regimes on the countries' responses to shocks. .


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián M. Saiegh

In this article, I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third on the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. These findings highlight the importance of using a common-space scale to compare disparate populations and call into question a number of recent studies by scholars of Latin American politics who fail to adequately address this important issue.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus

This chapter seeks to explain why the impact of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights varies greatly across the different Latin American countries under its jurisdiction. Three case studies suggest that the uneven spread of constitutional ideas and practices across Latin America helps shape the type of authority the IACtHR exerts. In Colombia, where neoconstitutionalist lawyers were able to successfully ally themselves with reformers and participate in the construction of a new constitution and court starting in 1991, the Court now enjoys narrow, intermediate, and extensive authority. In Chile, where constitutional reform was muted, and neoconstitutionalist doctrines have not found strong adherents in the judiciary, the IACtHR has achieved narrow authority and, at times, intermediate authority. In Venezuela, neoconstitutionalism was sidelined as the new Bolivarian constitutional order was forged. Meanwhile, the Mexican case study suggests that the neoconstitutionalist movement can also work transnationally.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2097503
Author(s):  
Nordin Lazreg ◽  
Alejandro Angel ◽  
Denis Saint-Martin

Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 1837
Author(s):  
Tamara Guerrero-Gómez ◽  
Andrés Navarro-Galera ◽  
David Ortiz-Rodríguez

Although transparency on the sustainability of public services is an issue of urgent interest to both governments and academics, previous research in this area has mainly focused on developed European countries, and has paid insufficient attention to areas that are still developing, such as many Latin American countries. The aim of this study is to identify factors that promote transparency on sustainability by local governments in Latin America, in the view that greater transparency will help them meet the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Therefore, using content analysis and following the GRI guidelines, we analyze the economic, social and environmental information published on the websites of 200 large local governments in 18 Latin American countries. In addition, using linear regression and calculating the corresponding Spearman coefficients, we analyze the influence of idiosyncratic and systemic variables on the volume of information disclosed. Our findings show that certain factors—population size, education level, unemployment, the quality of legislation and political corruption—affect transparency on sustainability. The conclusions drawn from this analysis enable us to identify useful measures for enhancing transparency on sustainability, including the reform of transparency laws and the analysis and disclosure of citizens’ information demands.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Nicolás Pose

North-South Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) are an intensified version of the Uruguay round’s bargain, in which developing countries gain access to developed countries’ markets, expecting increase in inflows of foreign direct investment, but see their ‘policy space’ reduced (Shadlen, 2005). Focusing on United States’ PTAs in the Latin American region, this article seeks to answer why some Latin American countries found this bargain attractive while others did not. I argue that modern PTAs generate uncertainty over their costs and benefits, because there are not standardized tools to estimate the impact of the ‘trade-related’ provisions they include. As a result, policymakers turn to their general ideas about economic development, which assign different meanings to them, producing differing decisions. Empirically, it is shown that the argument complements previous explanations based on structural and societal variables.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-367
Author(s):  
Viktor Lazarevich Jeifets ◽  
Daria Antonovna Pravdiuk

Relation between oil trade and political regimes, climate change and problems of managing natural resources, mining technologies and fighting corruption and many others constitute the phenomenon of a multicomponent energy policy, the study of which is located at the intersection of natural and social sciences. Latin American region has large hydrocarbon reserves, huge hydropower potential, as well as significant opportunities to generate wind and solar energy. Historically, Latin America has occupied a small share of world energy production - about 5 %, where Venezuela, Mexico and Brazil have long been the only players of a global level. However, in the 21st century, factors such as the discovery of pre-salt oil deposits in Brazil, promising forecasts for the development of alternative gas sources in Argentina and the opening of Mexican oil industry for foreign companies after more than seventy years of the monopoly of Pemex, gave an additional impetus to the development of oil and gas industries of the region. The close relationship between energy industry and political context of a number of Latin American countries makes the region’s energy market less predictable, as changes cannot be predicted using standard industry analysis tools. This article analyzes the most significant episodes of political intervention - external or internal - to the energy industry in the 21st century, as well as the impact that events and decisions in this industry had on the regional policy. The authors analyze distinctive examples of the interconnectedness of these areas, from the “resource diplomacy” of Venezuela to the decisive actions of A.M. Lopez Obrador in Mexican energy in the first months of his presidency, and draw parallels between the chains of events in politics and energy. As the cases of Brazil, Mexico, Bolivia, and Venezuela, cited in the article, show, the cost of error becomes extremely high when its consequences can destabilize both sectors due to their close interweaving.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The article examines a range of forces represented in the political arena of the Latin American countries that recently held general election (Panama, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador). A primary interest is paid to the left radicals, the left centrists, the centrists and the right centrists. While assessing the outcome of the elections the author underlines the trend towards convergence of left and right centrists. This is creating opportunities for their cooperation. Simultaneously, there is a compression of space for the interaction of these political forces with the left radicals.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson

Chapter 3 focuses on a select set of Latin American countries (Honduras, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Panama) where women’s legislative representation doubled from one election to the next and rose above 20 percent. Detecting the effects of quotas and descriptive representation is complicated. Available survey evidence is inadequate to discern clear patterns on how sizable jumps in the numbers of women in political office influence political engagement and support. Cross-national survey timing makes it even more difficult to gauge the impact of these changes. Further, these gains may not have always been publicly visible, and a variety of salient campaign issues and events contend for the public’s attention and may overshadow the influence of women’s election to office. Assessing changes to political engagement and political support requires precise methods. In this way, this chapter sets up the analysis using our unique survey from Uruguay.


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