scholarly journals Untersuchungen zum Hansebild Fritz Rörigs

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 ◽  
pp. 115-183
Author(s):  
Ulrike Förster

History was grist to the mill of Nazi propaganda, and the medieval Hanse was no exception. Fritz Rörig, a historian, was heavily involved in the instrumentalisation of Hanseatic history during the Third Reich. This paper analyses his writings before and during the Nazi period. What narrative patterns, phraseology and political content do they exhibit? The articles Rörig wrote in the first half of the 1940s display the typical stylistic devices and narrative patterns – indeed the buzz words – of Nazi propaganda, but impacts of racial ideology are not discernable. Indeed, some sections of these essays could be seen to constitute criticism of those in power. Despite this, the conclusion is unavoidable that Rörig was ready and willing to instrumentalise Hanseatic history for Nazi propaganda purposes. However, even before 1933, Rörig had viewed the Hanse through the lens of political ideology. What changed was not the Instrumentalisation of Hanseatic history itself, but Rörig’s political position and, in consequence, the picture of the Hanse he presented. Before the Nazi period, Rörig had been something of a free-market liberal, albeit one of a distinctly  conservative and nationalist bent. Accordingly, he spotlighted the vital role of the bourgeoisie in the development of the Hanse, particularly in lectures for a broader public.

2008 ◽  
Vol 77 (6) ◽  
pp. 388-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco López-Muñoz ◽  
Cecilio Alamo ◽  
Pilar García-García ◽  
Juan D. Molina ◽  
Gabriel Rubio

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Kater

While in recent years a great deal has been written to clarify Germany's medical past, the picture is not yet complete in several important respects. In the realm of the sociology of medicine, for example, we still do not know enough about physicianpatient relationships from, say, the founding of the Second Empire to the present. On the assumption, based on the meager evidence available, that this relationship had an authoritarian structure from the physician on downward, did it have anything to do with the shape of German medicine in the Weimar Republic and, later, the Third Reich? Another relative unknown is the role of Jews in the development of medicine as a profession in Germany. Surely volumes could be written on the significant influence Jews have exerted on medicine in its post-Wilhelmian stages, as well as the irreversible victim status Jewish doctors were forced to assume after Hitler's ascension to power


2021 ◽  
Vol 143 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Henryk Ćwięk

After the defence war in 1939 was lost, the authorities of the Third Reich forced Polish State Police offi cers to serve in the occupier’s security structures in the General Government. This formation was used to implement various activities directed against the Polish nation. The policy of the Nazi authorities varied depending on the existing priorities in this regard. The Germans carried out brutal pacifi cation operations directed mainly against the Jewish population using Polish police. One should not forget about the harmful actions of Polish policemen against Jews. The tragic part of the occupation history of the Polish police was their participation in operations against the resistance movement. Collaboration in the Polish police was a part of this phenomenon in the General Government. The cooperation of Polish policemen with the resistance movement deserves attention. They made a signifi cant contribution to the preparation and implementation of subversive actions as well as the execution of attacks and sentences. They were present on almost all fronts of underground activity. Knowledge of the role of the Polish police in the dark period of the occupation is not satisfactory and requires further research.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Stephenson

The totalitarian pretensions of the Nazi party's leadership are nowhere better illustrated than in the belief that the entire German people could be “educated” to a sense of service to the Volk, that mythical national community whose sum was allegedly infinitely greater than its parts. Excluded from real power in the state— whatever was claimed about “the unity of party and state”—the party in the Third Reich assumed the role of “spiritual leader” of the community, with the task of reorienting the aspirations of men, women, and children away from the satisfaction of personal desires and ambitions and toward service. Germans were not merely to accept passively the wisdom of the regime's policies, but were positively to channel their concern and their energy into supporting them. In this way, ran the message, they would find deeper satisfaction than in the pursuit of selfish pleasure.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 330-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole Fink

Germany under the Weimar Republic played the role of champion of minorities in Europe. A combination of revisionist hopes, völkisch arrogance, and humanitarian concern for the fate of lost kin motivated the Minderheitenpolitik of the Reich. Most historians have interpreted this episode as a link between the imperialism of Wilhelmian Germany and that of the Third Reich, a refinement—dictated by weakness—of Berlin's continuing efforts to dominate Eastern Europe.


2006 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 390-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPH BUCHHEIM ◽  
JONAS SCHERNER

Private property in the industry of the Third Reich is often considered a mere nominal provision without much substance. However, that is not correct, because firms, despite the rationing and licensing activities of the state, still had ample scope to devise their own production and investment profiles. Even regarding war-related projects, freedom of contract was generally respected; instead of using power, the state offered firms a number of contract options to choose from. There were several motives behind this attitude of the regime, among them the conviction that private property provided important incentives for increasing efficiency.


Humanities ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews during the Third Reich occupied a dangerously ambiguous position. Although the 1935 Nuremberg Laws declared intermarriage illegal, the Jewish wife or husband was at first exempted from anti-Semitic persecution. After Kristallnacht on 9 November 1938, their situation deteriorated dramatically. However, Nazi family law was applied inconsistently, leaving both spouses in states of uncertainty with regard to their marriages and children. This essay examines the representation of intermarriage in two films: the 2015 Italian film Max and Helene, and Redemption Road, a 2016 two-part German miniseries. With hybrid cinematic styles, narrative trajectories, and characterizations, these films dramatize the traumatic consequences of Nazi racial ideology and practices for two intermarried couples and their children. Spanning the years 1938 through the late 1940s, intermarriage in these films raises challenging questions about survival, reconciliation, and loss and the definition and achievement of legal, ethical, and emotional justice in the aftermath.


2019 ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
Iryna Grabovska ◽  
Tetyana Talko

The article explores the problem of the ideology of Putinism. It draws attention to the fact that in modern analytical texts about the phenomenon of Putinism, the dispute between scholars has shifted toward clarifying its ideological foundations. A few years ago, an intense scientific debate about the correctness of usage of the term "Putinism" itself took place. The authors investigate the current analytical publications on the ideological foundations of Putinism. The article points out the divergence of views of researchers on the existence of state ideological doctrine developed in the current Kremlin regime. The purpose of this article is defined as proving the fact that Putinism is not only a practical but also an ideological phenomenon of our age. The authors conclude that the ideology of Putinism exists. It seems convincing to consider Putinism as an ideological doctrine of the hybrid type, the general characteristic of which can be defined as neo-imperialism of the autocratic type with the elements of totalitarianism, "assembled" from a set of different doctrines of the past and present. Among them: Pan-Slavism, Russo-Centrism, Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism, Duginism (ideologically extremely close to the ideology of the Third Reich and the ideologists of the German "conservative revolution" at the same time, according to L. Lux), Messianism, Isolationism, Anti-Westernism and Anti-Americanism, Neo-Stalinism, Orthodox Fundamentalism, the role of the strong leader. Putinism as a neo-imperialist ideology is in line with the Kremlin's practice, beginning with Putin's rise to power when neo-colonial wars began on the perimeter of the former Soviet empire. It is partly orientated to suppress internal separatist movements, as it was in the case of Chechnya and partly to attempts to "gathering lands" as in the case of Georgia and now – of Ukraine.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J. Weingartner

The role of law in the totalitarian state is problematic. In principle, law and unfettered political authority are antithetical but, in practice, the two have coexisted in uneasy and unequal partnership. As the Third Reich neared its apex in terms of internal and external power, a German expatriate described it as a “dual state” in which law existed side-by-side with the dynamic, ideologically charged will of the Führer. Duality did not imply balance, however, for law survived largely as a discretionary tool of total power. Nevertheless, pretotalitarian legality was never entirely deprived of a residual potency, a fact illustrated by an unlikely agent—SS-Sturmbannführer (Major) Dr. Georg Konrad Morgen, judge in the judicial branch of the SS. But the organizational context of Morgen's career is sufficiently unfamiliar as to require elucidation.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Plant

This chapter begins by describing some of the influences that shaped Bonhoeffer’s political views, narrowly construed, and the central role of Martin Luther’s thought in guiding the direction of those parts of his theology that connect with political life. The chapter continues by exploring how Bonhoeffer attempted to think with and through these sources about the duties and responsibilities of governments and citizens, of the Church, and of the individual Christian in response to the Church struggle and the policies of the Third Reich. What evolved was a reworking of the orders of creation and preservation, a subtle ecology of temporal and spiritual authority under God, and an understanding of reality understood through the incarnation of Christ. This theology funded a steadfast conviction that the Church can and must speak God’s Word to the world, even to the point of standing in the place of the victims of political oppression.


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