scholarly journals The process of adapting the European Union to changes in the security environment

2020 ◽  
Vol XXIII (2) ◽  
pp. 201-206
Author(s):  
Cojocaru Iulian

The instability of the security environment is dangerous and can become devastating for a state, a region, a continent or even for the whole world if the necessary measures are not taken immediately. The main issues that have, over time, underpinned the European project were security and social welfare. These aspects are still important today and are very topical, representing at the same time the main objectives of the European Union, even if the changes are fast, and the security environment we live in is particularly fragile. For over half a century, the European Union has continuously contributed to maintaining peace, stability and prosperity, raised the standards of living, launched a single currency and has constantly evolved to create a single market in which people, goods, services and the capital can move freely, as if it were in the territory of a single country. Now, the European Union must face the existing challenges and adapt to the changes in the security environment. The adaptation to the new, to the changes, is the fundamental property of the European Union, and this must change and at the same time adapt the mode of action in relation to the alternatives that have occurred both from a quantitative and qualitative point of view.At present, the adaptability of the European Union in the new global security context is precisely its ability to understand the changes and make the necessary adjustments immediately to the current requirements, to react promptly with appropriate responses that will lead to the restoration of the status quo.

2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS KÖNIG ◽  
BJORN LINDBERG ◽  
SANDRA LECHNER ◽  
WINFRIED POHLMEIER

This article is a study of bicameral conflict resolution between the Council and the European Parliament in the European Union, which has established a bicameral conciliation process under the co-decision procedure. Scholars commonly agree that the European Parliament has gained power under the co-decision procedure, but the impact of the conciliation process on the power distribution between the Council and the European Parliament remains unclear. The scholarly debate suggests that the power of the institutional actors depends on their proximity to the status quo, the (im-)patience and the specific preference distribution of the institutional actors, although most analyses assume that the Commission plays an insignificant role. Using an ordered probit model, this study examines the power distribution between the two institutional actors, the factors for their bargaining success and the role of the Commission in the period between 1999 and 2002. The findings show that the European Parliament wins most conflicts, but that the Council is more successful in multi-dimensional disputes. The results confirm some theoretical claims made in the literature, such as the importance of the status quo location and of preference cohesiveness. However, they also reject a major assumption in the literature on the irrelevance of the Commission in the conciliation process, which we show to have an influential informational position for parliamentary success.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (S1) ◽  
pp. 131-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wikinson

The result of the Brexit referendum sends shockwaves through the political fabric of the UK, Europe and beyond. It is the latest instance in a series of anti-systemic shocks to hit the EU, but will almost certainly not be the last, as discontent with the status quo and a disconnected elite continues unabated across the Continent (and is replicated across the Atlantic), and the European Union provides a convenient target for voters to express their anger and resentment.


Author(s):  
Emilie M. Hafner-Burton

This chapter considers the status quo—the punishments and rewards used by steward states as part of their foreign policy to advance human rights today. Although they are not the only stewards, the chapter focuses on the United States and the European Union and the ways that they already use their political authority, resources, and reach for human rights promotion. The limits of punishments, such as military intervention and nonmilitary punishments, and rewards are discussed, along with two important lessons about how stewards can be more effective: one concerns localization, and the other is about setting priorities. The chapter argues that a more strategic use of state power has enormous potential to enhance the effectiveness of stewardship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

This chapter introduces a benchmark theory of public opinion towards European integration. Rather than relying on generic labels like support or scepticism, the chapter suggests that public opinion towards the EU is both multidimensional and multilevel in nature. People’s attitudes towards Europe are essentially based on a comparison between the benefits of the status quo of membership and those associated with an alternative state, namely one’s country being outside the EU. This comparison is coined the ‘EU differential’. When comparing these benefits, people rely on both their evaluations of the outcomes (policy evaluations) and the system that produces them (regime evaluations). This chapter presents a fine-grained conceptualization of what it means to be an EU supporter or Eurosceptic; it also designs a careful empirical measurement strategy to capture variation, both cross-nationally and over time. The chapter cross-validates these measures against a variety of existing and newly developed data sources.


2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-415
Author(s):  
Ewelina Kajkowska

THE status of anti-suit injunctions in Europe has long given rise to controversy. The decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Case C-536/13, Gazprom OAO [2015] All E.R. (EC) 711 sheds a new light on the relationship between anti-suit injunctions and the European jurisdiction regime embodied in the Brussels Regulation (Regulation No. 44/2001 on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in civil and commercial matters). In this much anticipated judgment, the Court of Justice confirmed that, by virtue of the arbitration exclusion in Article 1(2)(d) of the Brussels Regulation, Member State courts are not precluded from enforcing anti-suit injunctions issued by arbitration tribunals and aimed at restraining the proceedings before Member State courts. Although the decision was given before the Recast Brussels Regulation came into force (Regulation No. 1215/2012 on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in civil and commercial matters, effective from 10 January 2015), it can be assumed that the same conclusion would have been reached under the new law.


Author(s):  
Andreas Fisahn

The crisis of the European Union cannot be solved by austerity programs. Therefore a closer look at the reasons of the crisis seems to be reasonable, which includes a description of the development of the EU from 1951 to present times. The Union started as a tariff union and evolved through different steps to an order of competitive states. The main fields of competition between the states are taxes and social costs, which leads to tax dumping and a race to the bottom in social benefits. Starting in 1990 the EU achieved the status of an open financial market, with the duty of deregulation of capital movements being stipulated in Treaties. In the end the problem is not a debt crisis but a crisis of the structure of the European Union. The solution – which especially the German government prefers – may be the first step on the way to an authoritarian state.


Author(s):  
E. Tsedilina

In 2021 in Ukraine as a result of several objective reasons prerequisites were formed for a serious internal political crisis. Problems related to the shortage of energy resources may become a catalyst for negative processes in the economy and politics which will most likely lead to early parliamentary elections. In the south-east of the country, the Ukrainian leadership is deliberately escalating the conflict, which may lead to the resumption of active hostilities in the region. On the outer contour, Kiev’s Western partners continued a military development of Ukrainian territory, although they are still in no hurry to grant Ukraine the status of a full member of NATO. There have also been no changes in the country's relations with the European Union. Fearing the undesirable consequences of the launch of the Nord Stream 2, Kiev continued to actively fight for the preservation of gas transit through its GTS.


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