scholarly journals Dea Dardanica: pre-rimska plemenska boginja ili rimska imperijalna tvorevina?

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 679 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir D. Mihajlović

The text problematizes the interpretation of Dea Dardanica, a religious phenomenon from the period of the Roman Empire, conceived from the traditional perspective as a kind of ethno-tribal deity of Dardania and the Dardanians. By pointing out that the earlier approaches have been based upon the concept of ethnic determinism, the paper indicates the problems inherent in the interpretation of Dardania/the Dardanians as an ethno-tribal entity continuously existing from the Early Iron Age to the Roman times. From the point of view of the constructivist theory of identity, critical approach to literary sources, interpretation of classical narratives on “the Barbarians” as an imagological constructs, and understanding of the Roman imperialism as a “global” network, the author offers new conclusions on the collective identification of the Dardanians and the character of the cult of Dea Dardanica.

AmS-Skrifter ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-300
Author(s):  
Trond Løken

The ambition of this monograph is to analyse a limited number of topics regarding house types and thus social and economic change from the extensive material that came out of the archaeological excavation that took place at Forsandmoen (“Forsand plain”), Forsand municipality, Rogaland, Norway during the decade 1980–1990, as well as the years 1992, 1995 and 2007. The excavation was organised as an interdisciplinaryresearch project within archaeology, botany (palynological analysis from bogs and soils, macrofossil analysis) and phosphate analysis, conducted by staff from the Museum of Archaeology in Stavanger (as it was called until 2009, now part of the University of Stavanger). A large phosphate survey project had demarcaded a 20 ha settlement area, among which 9 ha were excavated using mechanical topsoil stripping to expose thehabitation traces at the top of the glaciofluvial outwash plain of Forsandmoen. A total of 248 houses could be identified by archaeological excavations, distributed among 17 house types. In addition, 26 partly excavated houses could not be classified into a type. The extensive house material comprises three types of longhouses, of which there are as many as 30–40 in number, as well as four other longhouse types, of which there are only 2–7 in number. There were nine other house types, comprising partly small dwelling houses and partly storage houses, of which there were 3–10 in number. Lastly, there are 63 of the smallest storage house, consisting of only four postholes in a square shape. A collection of 264 radiocarbon dates demonstrated that the settlement was established in the last part of the 15th century BC and faded out during the 7th–8th century AD, encompassing the Nordic Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. As a number of houses comprising four of the house types were excavated with the same methods in the same area by the same staff, it is a major goal of this monograph to analyse thoroughly the different featuresof the houses (postholes, wall remains, entrances, ditches, hearths, house-structure, find-distribution) and how they were combined and changed into the different house types through time. House material from different Norwegian areas as well as Sweden, Denmark, Germany and the Netherlands is included in comparative analyses to reveal connections within the Nordic area. Special attention has been given to theinterpretation of the location of activity areas in the dwelling and byre sections in the houses, as well as the life expectancy of the two main longhouse types. Based on these analyses, I have presented a synthesis in 13 phases of the development of the settlement from Bronze Age Period II to the Merovingian Period. This analysis shows that, from a restricted settlement consisting of one or two small farms in the Early BronzeAge, it increases slightly throughout the Late Bronze Age to 2–3 solitary farms to a significantly larger settlement consisting of 3–4 larger farms in the Pre-Roman Iron Age. From the beginning of the early Roman Iron Age, the settlement seems to increase to 8–9 even larger farms, and through the late Roman Iron Age, the settlement increases to 12–13 such farms, of which 6–7 farms are located so close together that they would seem to be a nucleated or village settlement. In the beginning of the Migration Period, there were 16–17 farms, each consisting of a dwelling/byre longhouse and a workshop, agglomerated in an area of 300 x 200 m where the farms are arranged in four E–W oriented rows. In addition, two farms were situated 140 m NE of the main settlement. At the transition to the Merovingian Period, radiocarbon dates show that all but two of the farms were suddenly abandoned. At the end of that period, the Forsandmoen settlement was completely abandoned. The abandonment could have been caused by a combination of circumstances such as overexploitation in agriculture, colder climate, the Plague of Justinian or the collapse of the redistributive chiefdom system due to the breakdown of the Roman Empire. The abrupt abandonment also coincides with a huge volcanic eruption or cosmic event that clouded the sun around the whole globe in AD 536–537. It is argued that the climatic effect on the agriculture at this latitude could induce such a serious famine that the settlement, in combination with the other possible causes, was virtually laid waste during the ensuing cold decade AD 537–546. 


Panta Rei ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 7-29
Author(s):  
Miguel Pablo Sancho Gómez

Pese a la gran cantidad de sublevaciones militares acontecidas en el Imperio Romano, y muy especialmente en el siglo III, sabemos muy poco de cómo se preparaban y ejecutaban sobre el papel estos complots. Quitando el atípico caso de Procopio, relatado con detalle por Amiano Marcelino, las fuentes literarias, ya en muchos casos problemáticas y/o escasas, dejan bastantes lagunas en los relatos de tales procesos, que la historiografía reciente intenta suplir con hipótesis. Sin entrar a valorar las motivaciones del fenómeno o el grado de responsabilidad de los diferentes involucrados en las denominadas usurpaciones, nos planteamos ofrecer una propuesta explicativa desde el punto de vista meramente técnico, esto es, cómo un determinado grupo de conjurados logra idear, planear y ejecutar un plan o una serie de planes con el objetivo de alcanzar el poder mediante el apoyo de ciertas fuerzas militares para derrocar, casi siempre asesinando, al emperador reinante. Despite the large number of military uprisings that occurred in the Roman Empire, and especially in the Third Century, we know very little about how these conspiracies were prepared and executed on paper. Not counting the atypical case of Procopius, related in detail by Ammianus Marcellinus, the literary sources, already problematic and /or scarce in many cases, leave many gaps in the accounts of such processes, which recent historiography tries to fill with hypotheses. Without assessing the motivations of the phenomenon or the degree of responsibility of the different parties involved in the so-called usurpations, we offer an explanatory proposal from the merely technical point of view, that is, how a certain group of conspirators manages to devise, scheme and execute a plan or series of plans with the aim of attaining power through the support of certain military forces and overthrow, almost always assassinating, the reigning emperor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
N. N. Golovchenko

Purpose. The work is devoted to functional, ceremonial and cultural-historical interpretation of the so-called kočidykcrutches often found at the sites belonging to various cultures of the steppe belt of Eurasia and popular during the Early Iron Age. The aim of our study is to describe different interpretations of this group of finds. We considered the accumulated historiographical experience and also tried to model experimentally the functional use of the artifacts analyzed. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the possibility of referring to these materials from the point of view of the hypothesis of multiculturalism. We discuss a number of variants how to reconstruct the functional use of this category of finds. In particular, the crutches considered could have been used as suspensions and as belt fasteners. Results. We noticed that regardless of the sex of the buried people, the location of the crutches in graves is the same, i. e. they are found on the right or left side, at least two on the femur or pelvic bones of the skeleton if the buried person had a belt and it was buttoned, and on the chest, knees or feet, if the belt was unbuttoned and was lying along the body. The crutches can either be a part of the complex, or the only element of the waist fittings that indirectly points to a certain self–sufficiency of crutches as a part of the burial shroud. There are controversial interpretations of the ceremonial meaning of the artifacts. Based on the hypothesis of multiculturalism of the population of the Upper Ob River region during the Early Iron Age, we provide some new cultural and historical interpretations of the crutches. A variety of types of crutches confirms the assumption that within the existence of the subject complex of clothing worn by the population of the Upper Ob River region in the second half of the I Millennium BC, there were clear signs of innovations. Conclusion. Studying the range of issues associated with the interpretation of crutches remains a relevant and promising task in archaeological research. Further accumulation of material and its understanding in a broader rather than narrow territorial context might allow us to identify the centers of distribution of certain types of crutches and the processes of their trans cultural incorporation into the traditional use by the population of the Upper Ob River region in the Early Iron Age.


1999 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 61-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Crespin

Porsuk is strategically situated in the northern foothills of the Taurus mountains (see map, fig 1), controlling one of the most important passes between Cilicia and the Anatolian plateau. It seems that this area, which was in the sphere of Hittite culture during the Late Bronze Age, turns towards the southern regions of Cilicia during Porsuk period IV. We shall firstly re-examine the evidence for the Early Iron Age at Porsuk in the light of recent discoveries from a number of other sites. We will then examine evidence that might demonstrate relations between Porsuk IV and Cilicia.During subsequent centuries the situation seems to revert to that pertaining in the LBA: relations with the plateau tend to become more intense. From this point of view, we shall have a look at the Phrygian problem. Does this zone become a Phrygian protectorate with the rise of the Gordion state? Or are the exchanges between them only commercial or diplomatic? We shall try to give a preliminary shape to a possible answer by investigating the so-called ‘Phrygian’ evidence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
Alisher Alokhunov ◽  

In Central Asia, in particular, on the territory of Uzbekistan to the Bronze Age,important historical changes took place, such as the emergence of traditions of early urban culture, the emergence and development of the oldest state associations. From an archaeological point of view, this article highlights the emergence of first agricultural settlements in the Ferghana Valley, then urban-type fortresses, and later of the early city-states in the late Bronze and Early Iron Age


1956 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 282-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. K. Stevenson

Prehistorians have unreservedly extended the Early Iron Age in territories north of the Roman Empire to include, in addition to a pre-Roman Iron Age, a Roman Iron Age during which the native barbarism evolved without a break though not unaffected by the Empire. That a Late Iron Age continued in Scotland, as in Scandinavia, during post-Roman times has been less readily realized. Professor Childe nominally ended his Prehistory of Scotland with the 4th century A.D. and spoke of an unbridged chasm thereafter, four or five centuries long, to which few and undecisive relics were attributable. The extent of archaeological perplexity 30 years ago was such that J. G. Callander maintained that Skara Brae represented the same Iron Age culture as the brochs and earth-houses. Following the studies of brochs and wheel-houses by Lindsay Scott and Lethbridge, which agreed that they formed a single culture datable to the first three centuries A.D., the latter wrote recently that the culture of the Western Isles between the 3rd century and the 9th ‘is completely unknown and I think unsought’.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Symonenko

At the turn of Bronze and Early Iron Ages, the nomads of the Eurasian steppe brought about a new and progressive phenomenon in world military history: cavalry warfare. Spanning the vast distance from the Danube in the West to the Hwang Ho in the Far East, among nomadic peoples including the Cimmerians, Scythians, Sakas, Sarmatians, Xiongnu, and Xianbei, a universal mode of warfare, more or less similar in tactics, battle, arms and armor, and horse harness, dominated. The chronological frames of the Early Iron Age are differently determined in various historiographical traditions, but for the history of steppe Eurasia the frame is customarily considered to begin in the 10th century bce and end in the 5th century ce. The main sources used in studying the military art of Early Iron Age nomads are of two categories: the literary sources (Greek, Roman, Chinese), and archaeological finds of weapons, armor, and horse harnesses belonging to the various archaeological cultures of steppe nomads. The literary sources noted the Cimmerians (10th–8th c. bce); people of the Scythian ethnic group (7th–3rd c. bce), the proper Scythians and the Sakas, Massagetians, Issedonians, and Sauromatians; the Sarmatians (2nd c. bce–4th c. ce); the Xiongnu (2nd c. bce–1st c. ce); their contemporaries the Wusun and Yuezhi, and some other peoples. The light-armed cavalry was a basic military force of the nomads. Each nomadic man was an armed and skillful warrior. Judging from archaeological material and narrative sources, the nomadic light cavalryman was armed by bow and arrows, light javelin and/or lance, and probably lasso. The light cavalry consisted of the common nomads. Since the 7th c. bce noble nomad formed the heavy armored cavalry where the horsemen, and sometimes their horses, wore body armor and helmets. The tactical principles and fighting methods of nomads were conditioned by the composition of their army, with light cavalry prevailing. One of the main methods was raids, which varied in duration, range, and composition of personnel involved. The battle tactics of nomadic troops developed due to a need to overcome a resistance of deep infantry formation. Since the long spears of infantry inhibited close combat, nomadic horsemen first covered the adversary with a massive and dense, although undirected, torrent of arrows. After that, light horsemen approached and threw spears and javelins from shorter distances, thus causing confusion in the ranks of the infantry. Then heavy cavalry rushed into the breach for fighting with close-combat weapons, spears, and battleaxes.


1983 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cracknell ◽  
Beverley Smith

Summary The excavations revealed a stone house and showed that it was oval, 13 m × 10 m, with an interior about 7 m in diameter. In the first occupation phase the entrance was on the SE side. During the second phase this entrance was replaced with one to the NE and the interior was partitioned. The roof was supported on wooden posts. After the building was abandoned it was covered with peat-ash which was subsequently ploughed. There were numerous finds of steatite-tempered pottery and stone implements, which dated the site to late Bronze/early Iron Age. The second settlement, Site B, lay by the shore of the voe and consisted of two possible stone-built houses and a field system. Two trenches were dug across the structures and the results are reported in Appendix I. Although damaged in recent years it was in no further danger.


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