scholarly journals Political Settlements, Women's Representation and Gender Equality: The 2008 Gender-Based Violence Law and Gender Parity in Primary and Secondary Education in Rwanda

Author(s):  
Jennie E. Burnet ◽  
Jeanne d'Arc Kanakuze
2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Zaheer Iqbal Cheema ◽  
Ali Nawaz ◽  
Jawwad Riaz

The European Union has kept the agenda of gender equality at the front line of legislation and policy development. The research examined the policies and the efficacy of the European Union in endorsing gender equality and determines where the Union’s system has proved to be less effective. Despite the efforts by the European Union in addressing gender-related issues, a slow improvement has been indicated in achieving gender parity. Inequality persists in many domains of gender equality, including the gender pay gap and gender-based violence. Our research suggests that adequate attention in terms of relevance, effective implementation and funding must be given to all domains of gender equality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Atnike Nova Sigiro

<p>This article was formulated based on interviews with 5 (five) trade union confederations from a number of confederations in Indonesia, namely: Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Nasional (KSPN), Konfederasi Sarikat Buruh Muslimin Indonesia (KSarbumusi), Konfederasi Serikat Buruh Seluruh Indonesia (KSBSI), Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia (KSPI), and Konfederasi Kongres Aliansi Serikat Buruh Indonesia (KKASBI). This article seeks to explore the efforts made by the trade union confederation in promoting gender equality - specifically in advancing the agenda for the prevention and elimination of sexual violence in the world of work. This article was compiled based on research with a qualitative approach, with data collection methods through interviews and literature studies. The results of this study found that the confederations interviewed had already set up internal structures that have specific functions on issues related to gender equality, gender-based violence, and women’s empowerment; although still limited and on ad-hoc basis. This research also finds that the role of the trade union confederation is particularly prominent in advocating policies related to sexual violence and gender-based violence in the world of work, such as advocating the Bill on the Elimination of Sexual Violence, and the ratification of the ILO Convention No. 190 on Violence and Harassment.</p>


Author(s):  
Alexandra Columban ◽  
Mihail Buse ◽  
Cornelia Macarie

Academia is one of the main hubs for promoting gender equality and non-discrimination, yet very few programs in Romania actively tackle the topic. An assessment of students’ perceptions is thus necessary in order to identify the level of awareness around gender issues and potential barriers hindering an inclusive academic environment. The present exploratory study aims to fill this gap by providing information on four dimensions of gender equality: attitudes towards gender equality, prevalence of gender stereotypes, gender-based violence and sexual harassment, and gender-based discrimination. The questionnaire was applied online and offline between October 2018 and March 2019 to 275 students enrolled in Bachelor, Master and Doctoral studies at BabeșBolyai University, Cluj-Napoca. The study found that students had a rather high awareness about gender issues in general and held favorable views towards gender equality and its enforcement. However, female students were more prone to stereotype, claiming more traits for themselves, and were more likely than their male counterparts to experience sexual harassment and discrimination regarding professional promotion. A series of implications for practitioners and recommendations are also discussed.


2015 ◽  

Gender discrimination continues to be a reality in several parts of the world, also in Europe. The aim of this book is to provide an overview of both European Union’s (EU) gender policies and gender balance in EU institutions. It does so by looking at gender equality policies and the EU legal system concerning gender equality, women’s representation within diff erent institutions (and more particularly in the European External Action Service), gender rights as a type of human rights and the EU’s role in the external promotion of womens’ rights in third countries. The analysis shows that women’s representation in the EU institutions has increased in the last decades and that the EU has strengthened its att ention to gender rights in its external relations as well, however the results of both att empts are far from being fully satisfactory.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Becky Carter

This rapid review seeks to provide an overview of the publicly available literature from the academic, donor, and non-government organisation sources on women’s and girls’ experiences of statutory and customary security and justice in Somaliland. In Somaliland women and girls experience poor security, with high rates of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and significant barriers to gender equality in the pluralistic legal system. The predominant clan-based customary justice system, along with conservative social norms and religious beliefs, discriminates against women and girls, while weak formal state institutions are not able to deliver accessible and effective justice for vulnerable and marginalised groups. Social stigma silences SGBV survivors and their families, with many rape crimes resolved through customary compensation or marriage. National and international organisations have undertaken various activities to promote gender equality in security and justice, with support provided to formal and informal security and justice institutions and actors at national and local levels, as well as initiatives to empower women and girls.


Author(s):  
Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon ◽  
Kendall D. Funk

Despite national gains, women’s representation at the subnational level has not increased much over time. In this chapter, Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon and Kendall D. Funk present and analyze original data on subnational legislatures and executives in Latin America. They examine the determinants of women’s representation in legislative and executive office and show that institutions and cross-arena diffusion are key explanations. Escobar-Lemmon and Funk show that women in local executive and legislative offices have worked to promote gender equality and women’s issues and worked to transform political arenas in ways that make them less biased toward women. They do, however, point out some significant challenges for gender equality in subnational politics—women are not getting into local executive offices to the same extent as they are legislative offices, subnational party politics has not been friendly to women, and gender balance is far from assured in local judiciaries and bureaucracies.


In the past thirty years, women’s representation and gender equality has developed unevenly in Latin America. Some countries have experienced large increases in gender equality in political offices, whereas others have not, and even within countries, some political arenas have become more gender equal whereas others continue to exude intense gender inequality. These patterns are inconsistent with explanations of social and cultural improvements in gender equality leading to improved gender equality in political office. Gender and Representation in Latin America argues instead that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions and the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries and that these challenges matter for the number of women and men elected to office, what they do once there, how much power they gain access to, and how their presence and actions influence democracy and society more broadly. The book draws upon the expertise of top scholars of women, gender, and political institutions in Latin America to analyze the institutional and contextual causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. It does this in part I with chapters that analyze gender and political representation regionwide in each of five different “arenas of representation”—the presidency, cabinets, national legislatures, political parties, and subnational governments. In part II, it provides chapters that analyze gender and representation in each of seven different countries—Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. The authors bring novel insights and impressive new data to their analyses, helping to make this one of the most comprehensive books on gender and political representation in Latin America today.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gill Kirton

This article brings the neglected topic of small professional unions into the women and unions literature. In addition to an overview of women’s representation and gender equality strategies in small professional UK unions, it offers a contextually grounded analysis of barriers and enablers of women’s participation in Napo – the union representing professional workers in the probation service. The article identifies several enablers: healthy levels of women’s representation over a long period of time; presence and longevity of gender equality strategies; a strong occupational identity; occupational values that complement those of unionism. However, a highly pressured work environment and hostile industrial relations climate create lived insecurities, work–life imbalance and time poverty, which have constrained women professionals’ union participation.


Temida ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-201
Author(s):  
Sanja Copic ◽  
Bejan Saciri

In 2019 the Victimology Society of Serbia conducted the survey aimed at assessing the attitudes of professionals who work in state institutions, independent state agencies and civil society organizations in Serbia about gender equality and genderbased violence, and collecting data on their experiences and challenges in dealing with gender-based violence victims, especially Roma women and women in rural areas. The survey was a part of the broader project aimed to contribute to policy and practice changes to ensure the recognition of harmful gender stereotypes and gender discrimination and to ensure suppression and timely response in cases of gender- based violence. It was a part of the program ?Ending Violence against Women in the Western Balkan countries and Turkey: Implementing Norms, Changing Minds?, implemented by the UN Women and funded by the European Commission. The survey was conducted on a sample of 199 respondents from the police, courts, prosecutors? offices, social welfare centres, independent institutions and civil society organizations, in 21 local communities in Serbia. The survey findings suggested that in general practitioners involved in the survey do not have negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence. However, when looking at some individual statements on the scales of attitudes on gender equality and gender-based violence, as well as answers to additional questions regarding the role of women and men at home, one can still conclude that traditional (gender) stereotypes are present in respondents of both sexes. The survey results also revealed a lack of knowledge about gender-based violence, which can result in the victim not being recognized, blaming the victim, failing to provide necessary assistance, support and protection, leading to re-victimization and secondary victimization. On average, male respondents have more conservative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than women. Older respondents, and consequently respondents with longer working experience, have more negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than younger respondents. Respondents working in the judiciary, police and prosecution have more negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than respondents from independent state bodies, centres for social work and civil society organizations. Attitudes on gender equality proved to be a strong predictor of attitudes about different forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, it is necessary to work further on raising awareness and strengthening capacities of practitioners in state institutions and civil society organizations on issues related to gender equality and gender-based violence, as well as on raising public awareness, including (potential) victims of gender inequality and gender-based violence, so that citizens can recognize their own or victimization of others and seek help and protect their rights.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brenda Elisabeth Bartelink ◽  
Elisabet Le Roux

This article examines the work of ABAAD so as to explore the complexities of doing gender activism in a country ruled by both the state and religious law. The work of this non-faith, non-political organisation allows for such an exploration within postcolonial settings where religious law has tremendous influence. In keeping with the scholarly debate on how contestations around gender and sexuality often play out where religious and secular matters intersect, we find it both relevant and important to consider the responses of ABAAD’s gender activism in the context of Lebanon. We draw on the case of ABAAD to explore how “transformational approaches” propose to achieve gender equality and prevent gender-based violence through transforming patriarchal structures. We demonstrate that such “transformational approaches” require active yet careful engagement with religion through long-term dialogue and exchange. In the wake of the influx of Syrian refugees into Lebanon, interventions tend to focus on responding to the increase in gender-based violence in refugee communities. While such responses are urgent, necessary and important, we argue that they also include a shift from “transformational approaches” to “gendered humanitarianisms,” which can hinder change in underlying discriminatory structures.


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