Labor Restructuring and Acquisitions: Evidence From State Adoption of the Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification Act

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liangrong Chunyu ◽  
Anh L. Tran
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110130
Author(s):  
Rachel Elfenbein

Venezuela’s state-led national-popular Bolivarian process opened up a new political field for feminism—an approach that was both institutional and popular, aiming to combine forces from above and from below and use state gender institutions to foment popular women’s organization. Yet this field was conflictual, containing contesting popular feminist projects with different implications for the gendered division of labor. Analysis of popular women’s organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 organic labor law shows that state adoption of feminism marked a gendered political opening for popularizing feminism while also presenting risks of state co-optation of popular women’s organizing. The state understood popular women’s organization and mobilization as central to the revolution, yet it generally attempted to limit their autonomy and organizing to challenge the gendered division of labor. El bolivarianismo nacional-popular liderado por el estado venezolano abrió un nuevo campo político para el feminismo: un enfoque que era tanto institucional como popular y cuyo objetivo era combinar fuerzas tanto de arriba como de abajo, así como utilizar las instituciones estatales de género para fomentar las organizaciones populares de mujeres. Sin embargo, este campo resultó conflictivo, y parte de su contenido impugnaba proyectos feministas populares con diferentes implicaciones para las divisiones de género en el trabajo. El análisis de la organización popular de las mujeres en torno a la ley orgánica del trabajo de Venezuela de 2012 muestra que la adopción estatal del feminismo marcó una apertura política de género con intenciones de popularizar el feminismo a la vez que presentaba el riesgo de que la organización popular de las mujeres fuera cooptada por el estado. El estado consideraba la organización y movilización popular de las mujeres como esenciales a la revolución. Sin embargo y hablando generalmente, se abocó a limitar su autonomía y organización cuando se trataba de desafiar las divisiones de género en el trabajo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (8) ◽  
pp. 1186-1203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael R. Smith ◽  
Matthew Petrocelli

In 2010, the Arizona legislature effectively deregulated concealed handgun carry in the state by passing Senate Bill (SB) 1108, which eliminated licensing and training requirements for concealed carry. Although researchers have extensively examined the impact of state adoption of concealed carry laws, almost nothing is known about the effects of deregulating concealed carry altogether. This study contributes to the more guns, less crime debate by examining the impact of Arizona’s decision to deregulate concealed carry. Using a multiple time-series research design with an experimental (Tucson) and control city (El Paso), the present study examines the impact of deregulation on handgun-related violent crime and gun larcenies in Arizona’s second largest city—Tucson. We find that the passage of SB 1108 had no impact on handgun-related offenses that could be expected to change following deregulation. The implications of these findings for policy making and future research are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (7) ◽  
pp. 1018-1040 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby J. Park ◽  
David A. Tandberg ◽  
Hyun-Ki Shim ◽  
Shouping Hu ◽  
Carolyn D. Herrington

Faced with declining numbers of students in teacher education programs, policymakers in many states are considering new actions that might increase teacher supply. One approach that has gained increasing popularity is community colleges beginning to offer 4-year degrees in teacher education. This study explores state adoption of these programs and its effect on the number and diversity of students earning bachelor’s degrees in teacher education. Overall, we find no effect of these programs; however, in the limited case of a state with widespread use of community college baccalaureate (CCB) teacher education programs we find that degree production increased, yet the diversity of the graduates declined.


2020 ◽  
pp. 31-50
Author(s):  
Michael Ritter

Early studies of the effects of voter laws on turnout often showed that early voting, absentee, and mail voting had limited impacts on voter turnout, with only same day registration consistently linked to higher turnout. Much of the previous research measured these laws in isolation (although most states have combinations of the laws), omitted measurement of election administration, did not account for possible selection bias in state adoption of the laws, focused on overall voter turnout rather than that for disadvantaged groups, and did not measure the effects of the laws on campaign mobilization strategies. Census data used in previous studies omitted variables (e.g., political interest and partisanship) known to influence voting decisions. Building on research from 2000s and 2010s, Chapter 3 emphasizes how causal inference research design and national voter files can lead to more precise estimations of the effects of convenience voting laws and election administration on voter turnout.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Fowler ◽  
Stephanie L Witt

Abstract State preemption of local policymaking has attracted increasing attention from scholars, public officials, and citizens, as states have prevented local governments from boosting the minimum wage, regulating firearms, and barring certain forms of discrimination, among other policies. Although scholars have examined the legal dimensions of state preemption and analyzed preemption in specific areas, we lack a comprehensive account of which states have adopted preemption laws and why some states are more active than others in adopting them. Using a dataset drawing on preemption legislation in seventeen policy areas, we test support for competing explanations for variation in adoption of state preemption measures. Our general conclusion is that political factors are more significant than institutional features in explaining state preemption activity. More specifically, and consistent with expectations, we find preemption measures are more likely to be adopted by Republican-controlled states. We also find that legislative professionalism, political culture, and home-rule status are correlated with the prevalence of preemption measures.


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