How to Illegalize Past Injustice: Reinterpreting the Rules of Intertemporality

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas von Arnauld
Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Ditlmann ◽  
Ethan Kogan ◽  
Reginald Wiliiams ◽  
Valerie Purdie-Vaughns ◽  
John Dovidio

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110058
Author(s):  
Mason D. Burns ◽  
Erica L. Granz

Racial privity judgments – or the perceived causal connection between historical racial discrimination and current suffering among Black Americans – predicts sympathy for the victims of past injustices and perceptions of contemporary racial inequality. Four studies investigated the ideological roots of privity judgments; focusing on subjective temporal perceptions associated with privity judgments (e.g., subjective perceptions that past discrimination occurred more, versus less, recently). Study 1 revealed that liberals perceived historical instances of racial discrimination as having occurred more recently than conservatives, and that temporal perceptions of recency were associated with less anti-Black bias. Studies 2–4 manipulated temporal perceptions of recency by framing past discrimination as having occurred more recently. Results revealed that increasing perceived temporal recency resulted in reduced anti-Black bias and greater sympathy for present-day victims of racial discrimination across political ideology. Discussion surrounds how framing historical information as subjectively recent has implications for prejudice reduction.


While debt has the capacity to sustain social relations by joining together the two parties of a debt relation, it also contains the risk of deteriorating into domination and bargaining. Throughout history, different understandings of debt have therefore gravitated between reciprocity and domination, making it a key concept for understanding the dynamics of both social cohesion and fragmentation. The book considers the social, spatial and temporal meanings of this ambiguity and relates them to contemporary debates over debts between North and South in Europe, which in turn are embedded in a longer global history of North-South relations. The individual chapters discuss how debts incurred in the past are mobilised in political debates in the present. This dynamic is highlighted with regard to regional and global North-South relations. An essential feature in debates on this topic is the difficult question of retribution and possible ways of “paying” – a term that is etymologically connected to “pacification” – for past injustice. Against this backdrop, the book combines a discussion of the multi-layered European and global North-South divide with an effort to retrieve alternatives to the dominant and divisive uses of debt for staking out claims against someone or something. Discovering new and forgotten ways of thinking about debt and North-South relations, the chapters are divided into four sections that focus on 1) debt and social theory, 2) Greece and Germany as Europe’s South and North, 3) the ‘South’ between the local, the regional and the global, and 4) debt and the politics of history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 326-355
Author(s):  
Nicholas Canny

Lecky, an Irish Protestant landowner, and liberal commentator on Irish affairs considered historians to be responsible to adjudicate between opposing views, having appraised the evidence. On this basis he condemned the English for harshness that provoked rebellion in 1641, insisted that no massacre had been involved, and that the Cromwellian confiscation had been falsely justified. However, he considered this injustice so ancient as to be irreversible, and he represented the government’s land reform measures as compensation for past injustice. Lecky’s call for moderation made no impression on the authors of Catholic county histories written to refute the elite narratives by insisting the landowners and Protestant were a foreign, malign presence in each county, and that memory was a surer guide to truth than documentary evidence. Protestant authors who insisted that a massacre in 1641 was well documented also decried Lecky’s views.


2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stååle Wikshååland

Perhaps more than any other opera by Strauss, Elektra is a drama about the sense of hearing. It belongs to the phantasmagoric realm of listening, and it affirms, like few other operas, the power of music alone to fire up the listener's imagination. In this sense, it renders the transitions between its own different layers of reality, between the here and now of Elektra's agony and her reliving of her father's murder at the hands of her mother and her mother's lover, in a way that obscures the borderline between that terrible past and the soon to be horrible present. The article investigates these transitions in the opera. The crime against her father, Agamemnon, has burned itself into her soul, and it directs all her experience afterward. Elektra's retribution of the past injustice is no more than an imagined restoration. Her revenge remains a private matter; it does not resurrect any moral order and does not re-create the basis for a new community. The radicalism of this lack of morality is overwhelming, especially if we consider that Hofmannsthal's libretto departs from Sophocles only on this main point. A different notion of time, articulated through Strauss's music, strikes through the ongoing present, takes hold of it, and becomes predominant. This is the time in which Elektra lives. We witness a strange battle between remembrance and forgetting as Elektra's present actions are driven wholly by the effort to forget the present in order to restore the past. All is in vain, of course, because it is impossible to reverse time. Everything is too late. This belatedness becomes Elektra's destiny. Directors often lean heavily on Elektra's resolution of her predicament in the fulfillment of full-blown revenge, which ends with a going out of time at the very moment when the border between lived real time and fantasy time collapses. Yet what if emphasis were placed elsewhere? The article raises this question as a pressing one, in connection with Peter Konwitschny's staging of Elektra in the new theater of the Royal Danish Opera in Copenhagen, February 2005. In Konwitschny's staging, the decisive event, the precipitating trauma, is no longer, as in Strauss and Hofmannsthal, something that has long since happened when the curtain rises and that rules every succeeding event from an inaccessible point in past time. Instead, the precipitating trauma is drawn into the opera itself. The article tries to show how this interpretation has consequences that change the work. Elektra's destiny does not become less shocking, but rather shocks us in a different manner.


Author(s):  
Gwyneth Mellinger

This chapter explores the hiring initiative as a historically, politically, and socially contingent event; and covers the period of greatest racial instability within ASNE, roughly 1977 through the 1980s. During the 1970s, public consciousness about lingering discrimination was heightened, as were a sense of racial and ethnic pride among nonwhites, and feminism among women. But the rising momentum of pro-equality efforts was checked by political cross-current. Many white Americans of the late 1970s, even if they believed opportunities for nonwhites were unjustly unequal, objected to the use of quotas to enforce equality, and the frequency of the term “reverse discrimination,” which referred to the denial of opportunities for whites to compensate nonwhites for past injustice, attested to the growth of an anti-affirmative action backlash.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate A. Moran

AbstractWe often make a distinction between what we owe as a matter of repayment, and what we give or offer out of charity. But how shall we describe our obligations to fellow citizens when we are in a position to be charitable because of a past injustice on the part of the state? This essay examines the moral implications of past injustice by considering Immanuel Kant’s remarks on this phenomenon in his lectures and writings. In particular, it discusses the role of the state and the individual in addressing the problem.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mudjia Rahardjo

<p class="Bodytext20">Language and media are accused of being an effective tool for perpetuating the dominance of men over women through word and image. This paper reviews how language uses words that deliberately 'marginalize' women. While the media continues to contain images and events that also discredit and degrade women's dignity. Because of the many perspectives on violence, this article will only understand violence according to the Galtung perspective. Because, as known Johan Galtung is a sociologist who devoted his attention to violence as a social phenomenon two decades past. Injustice and inequality due to social gender either through language with the harsh and degrading selection of words and degrading women's dignity or through the media that shows women as sex objects and commodities shows that violence will continue. Because, in addition to the media have the authority as the holder of the news an event, women themselves attitudes justify, underline and accept the myth of male domination of women. If people think women are not as smart as men, they tend to accept because they accept the authority of society.</p><p class="Bodytext20"> </p><p class="Bodytext20">Bahasa dan media dituding sebagai alat yang efektif untuk mengekalkan dominasi laki-laki atas perempuan melalui kata maupun gambar. Tulisan ini mengulas bagaimana bahasa menggunakan kata yang dengan sengaja ‘meminggirkan’ kaum perempuan. Sedangkan media terus menerus memuat gambar dan peristiwa yang juga memojokkan dan merendahkan martabat kaum perempuan. Karena banyaknya perspektif tentang kekerasan, tulisan ini hanya akan memahami kekerasan menurut perspektif Galtung. Sebab, sebagaimana diketahui Johan Galtung merupakan sosiolog yang mencurahkan perhatiannya pada kekerasan sebagai fenomena sosial dua dasa warsa terakhir. Ketidakadilan dan ketidak setaraan akibat jenis kelamin sosial baik melalui bahasa dengan pemilihan kata-kata yang kasar dan merendahkan martabat perempuan maupun melalui media yang menayangkan perempuan sebagai obyek dan komoditas seks menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan masih akan terus berlangsung. Sebab, selain media memiliki otoritas sebagai pemegang pemberitaan sebuah peristiwa, perempuan sendiri sikapnya ikut membenarkan, menggarisbawahi dan menerima saja mitos dominasi laki-laki atas perempuan. Kalau masyarakat menilai perempuan tidak sepintar laki-laki, mereka cenderung menerima karena mereka menerima otoritas masyarakat.</p>


Author(s):  
Bas van der Vossen ◽  
Jason Brennan

One popular argument for global redistribution focuses on the history of colonialism, which is rife with injustices perpetrated by the former governments of Western nations. Current citizens of these societies can be taxed to pay reparations to people their former colonies. The chapter inspects two different arguments for this view: one focusing on unjustly gotten gains for rich Western citizens, the other focusing on unjust harms befalling citizens of developing nations. The former argument fails because it misdecribes the fact; contrary to popular belief, most Western citizens were actually harmed by colonialism. The latter argument is better, and actually supports a case for reparations. However, contrary to its proponents’ beliefs, such reparations ought not take the form of large-scale redistribution, but the form of removing the unjust barriers people face that continue the harms they now experience. The duty to repair past injustice mostly strengthens the conclusions of this book.


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