scholarly journals In search of effective scenarios for peacekeeping operations for UN and NATO

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S3) ◽  
pp. 435-458
Author(s):  
Nina F. Rzhevska ◽  
Andriy S. Moroz

Peacekeeping operations are considered to be one of the main tools for operating the conflicts, used by international community to renew and keep international peace and security. The practice of peacekeeping activities faced fundamental changes, influenced its aims and principles. That is why, the effectiveness of modern peacekeeping operations and operations for peace maintenance, as an answer to global challenges, need assessment and further explanations. The article aims to characterize peacekeeping activities, principles and assess methods of effectiveness; determine the main problems of peacekeeping mechanism functioning; identify optimal ways of the future peacekeeping operations of UN and NATO. This study proposes a complex systematization of present approaches, with the assessment of effectiveness both for peacekeeping operations and operations for maintenance of peace. The key moment is to develop optimal scenarios of peacekeeping missions. Practical importance of the research in based on its frameworks and conclusions that can be used as methodical recommendations in the work of international organizations that are regulating peacekeeping activities.

Author(s):  
Kainat Kamal

The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are mandated to help nations torn by conflict and create conditions for sustainable peace. These peacekeeping operations hold legitimacy under international law and the ability to deploy troops to advance multidimensional domains. Peacekeeping operations are called upon to maintain peace and security, promote human rights, assist in restoring the rule of law, and help conflict-prone areas create conditions for sustainable peace ("What is Peacekeeping", n.d.). These missions are formed and mandated according to individual cases. The evolution of the global security environment and developing situations in conflictridden areas requires these missions to transform from 'traditional' to 'robust' to 'hybrid', accordingly (e.g., Ishaque, 2021). So why is it that no such model can be seen in restoring peace and protection of Palestinian civilians in one of the most protracted and deadly conflicts in history?


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Buchan

AbstractThis paper will suggest that since the end of the Cold War liberal states have instituted a new regime of international relations and of international peace and security in particular. Historically, legitimate statehood could be situated virtually exclusively within international society; in their international relations all states subscribed to a common normative standard which regarded all states qua states as legitimate sovereign equals irrespective of the political constitution that they endorsed. With the end of the Cold War, however, an international community of liberal states has formed within international society which considers only those states that respect the liberal values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law as legitimate. Non-liberal states are not only denigrated as illegitimate but more significantly they are stripped of their previously held sovereign status where international community, motivated by the theory that international peace and security can only be achieved in a world composed of exclusively liberal states, campaigns for their liberal transformation. Finally, it will be suggested that despite the disagreement between liberal states over the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 international community survives, and thus its (antagonistic) relationship with non-liberal states continues to provide a useful method for theorising international peace and security in the contemporary world order.


1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. F. Amerasinghe

The prospects for international administrative law and the international administrative legal system in the future and particularly in the next century will be determined to a large extent by how much importance the world attaches to international organisations and particularly to the maintenance of an independent international civil service as a means of securing international peace and security, promoting development and fostering international co-operation. Not only must there be a change in the current attitude of certain governments towards international organisations as a means to this end but there must also be a more sanguine approach to the singular importance of an independent civil service in the process. What can be said about the international administrative legal system and international administrative law in the future must be conditioned necessarily to a large extent by assumptions made about what is going to happen in the future to both international organisations and the civil service.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Griffiths ◽  
Sara Jarman ◽  
Eric Jensen

The year 2020 marks the twentieth anniversary of the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution (“UNSCR”) 1325, the most important moment in the United Nations’ efforts to achieve world peace through gender equality. Over the past several decades, the international community has strengthened its focus on gender, including the relationship between gender and international peace and security. National governments and the United Nations have taken historic steps to elevate the role of women in governance and peacebuilding. The passage of UNSCR 1325 in 2000 foreshadowed what many hoped would be a transformational shift in international law and politics. However, the promise of gender equality has gone largely unrealized, despite the uncontroverted connection between treatment of women and the peacefulness of a nation. This Article argues for the first time that to achieve international peace and security through gender equality, the United Nations Security Council should transition its approach from making recommendations and suggestions to issuing mandatory requirements under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. If the Security Council and the international community believe gender equality is the best indicator of sustainable peace, then the Security Council could make a finding under Article 39 with respect to ‘a threat to the peace’—States who continue to mistreat women and girls pose a threat to international peace and security. Such a finding would trigger the Security Council’s mandatory authority to direct States to take specific actions. In exercising its mandatory authority, the Security Council should organize, support, and train grassroots organizations and require States to do the same. It should further require States to produce a reviewable National Action Plan, detailing how each State will implement its responsibilities to achieve gender equality. The Security Council should also provide culturally sensitive oversight on domestic laws which may act as a restraint on true gender equality.


Author(s):  
Hiromi Nagata Fujishige ◽  
Yuji Uesugi ◽  
Tomoaki Honda

AbstractThis chapter will consider the noteworthy changes in Japan’s peacekeeping policy under the second Abe administration (2012–2020), with special emphasis on the period between 2013 and 2017. Since its outset in the early 1990s, Japan’s peacekeeping policy had been gradually shaped by the trends of “integration” and the “robustness” in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs), but various problems remained unsolved, especially in terms of “robustness.” With the return of Prime Minister Abe at the end of 2012, reforms to follow the trend of “robustness” were carried out as part of his all-inclusive renovation of Japan’s security policy, namely the Peace and Security Legislation, to resolve numerous long-standing problems in the field. With this in mind, this chapter starts by considering new developments in Japan’s security policy as a whole before examining how these sweeping reforms transformed the quality of Japan’s peacekeeping, paying special attention to the newly added roles, such as the “coming-to-aid” duty. This chapter will also trace moves toward “integration,” especially regarding the “All Japan” approach.


Author(s):  
Cian C. Murphy

This chapter examines the relationship between law, terrorism, and globalization. Terrorism is the use of violence for political end. The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, and the response to the attacks have reshaped relationships between law and politics. That day marks a point of rupture—one consequence of which has been the increasing transnationalization of counterterrorism law, which exists in the space between and across rules of international peace and security, and national laws. Today, there is a growing appreciation of the intrinsic and causal links between activities of states and of international organizations to combat terrorism and the risk of further terrorist attacks. Globalization, terrorism, and the response to terrorism are all disruptors. Their interplay will reshape states and their authority for decades to come.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-421

The second part of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly met at UN Headquarters from January 15 through February 3, 1962, when it was adjourned. The Assembly considered the following agenda items, discussion of which had been deferred from the first part of the sixteenth session: 1) complaint by Cuba of threats to international peace and security; 2) the situation in Angola; 3) question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi; and 4) information from non-self-governing territories.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Fenny Wulandari ◽  
Abdul Azis

International organizations are formed by an agreement in which three or more countries are parties, or also called intergovernmental organizations because their members are state. The state as a party to the international organization must accept the obligations arising from the agreement. Countries incorporated in an international organization usually have the same interests and goals. Even in some difficulties and to help progress the member countries of the international organization did not hesitate to provide assistance. International organizations such as the United Nations have the aim of maintaining international peace and security. The establishment of the United Nations (UN) was set against the concerns of mankind for international peace and security based on the experience of the First World War and the Second World War. Indonesia's commitment to participate in carrying out world order based on independence, lasting peace and social justice is the mandate of paragraph IV of the Opening of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This commitment is always realized through Indonesia's active participation and contribution in the UN Mission of Maintenance and Peace. In the international context, participation is an important and concrete indicator of the role of a country in contributing to maintaining international peace and security.


Author(s):  
Shacheng Wang ◽  
Xixi Zhu

Abstract Terrorist financing is the economic basis of terrorist activities and the lifeline of terrorist organizations. In recent years, terrorist organizations have gradually come to use cryptocurrency to finance their activities based on traditional ways of raising funds. The anonymity of cryptocurrency is attractive to terrorist organizations, but its use remains at a low level. To explore the future development ability of cryptocurrency in terrorist financing, we study its internal characteristics and development status, as well as the supervisory systems of international organizations. This study hopes to enhance our understanding of the potential risks of cryptocurrency and serve as a reference for the fight against terrorist financing in the international community.


Author(s):  
Paul Musgrave ◽  
Daniel H. Nexon

This chapter addresses the complex and contingent interplay between liberal order and empire. It draws attention to the seemingly irresolvable dilemma that the United States maintains imperial relations with other political communities, whilst also rejecting the legitimacy of empire. The solution has been to ‘democratize’ imperial functions and to vest them in multilateral international organizations and to ensure that they as much as possible reflect the consent of the international community. Deploying an original framework of analysis based on ideal types of empire, the chapter advances the argument that imperial structures may be found embedded in at least three different variations of imperial logics in surprising settings, including inter-governmentalist liberal practices in UN peacekeeping operations and neo-trustee arrangements, such as those following the NATO intervention in Kosovo and NATO's role in Afghanistan.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document