scholarly journals Foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan between Russia and the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S4) ◽  
pp. 870-880
Author(s):  
Nurzat Namatbekova ◽  
Kalyynur T. Saliev

The relevance of the research topic is due to a number of factors. Studying the Central Asian region as a whole, as well as the individual states within it, it is necessary to take into account that this space is a place of intersection of the interests of major world political, economic players, as well as regional powers. The influence of these countries and large multinational corporations can be expressed in a variety of ways, both military and economic, which will be discussed in this article. In addition, it is necessary to take into account a number of challenges to regional (and in the future, global) security, which were either thrown in the past or remain relevant to the present. The purpose of the article is to create a descriptive description of the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan, which is currently being implemented by the current leadership of the state, in addition, to build a forecast regarding the further steps of the Kyrgyz leadership to build a system of strategic and mutually beneficial cooperation primarily with the Russian Federation and the United States of America.

2020 ◽  
pp. 54-59
Author(s):  
Philipp Zakharov

The foreign policy of Uzbekistan has become more dynamic and the country has moved confidently along the path of its interests since Shavkat M. Mirziyoyev came to power. The new President of Uzbekistan has launched an ambitious course to get the Republic the status of a regional leader. Uzbekistan actively uses soft power as one of the tools of its foreign policy. The author analyzes and compares the activities of the previous and current leadership of Uzbekistan in implementing integration processes and extending its influence to other states of the Central Asian region. In the conclusion, the author notes the pronounced course of modern Uzbekistan in interaction not only with the countries of the region, but also with such powers as Russia, China and the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.


1988 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith

For a variety of reasons, explanations of Cuban foreign policy lack in persuasiveness. Some authors adopt a kitchen-sink approach in which any number of factors are adduced to explain Cuban behavior, but they do not pay adequate attention to how these various pieces fit together into a coherent whole. Other writers concentrate on a single factor to explain Cuba's globalism, but in the process load more explanatory power than it can bear onto a sole variable. Still others have a penchant for prescribing proper foreign policy for the United States, with the result that the study of Cuban policy in its own terms is often shortchanged. Only by studying the character, world view, and charismatic influence of Fidel Castro can a center of gravity be found for the study of Cuban foreign policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-70
Author(s):  
Igor A. Arsenyev

Introduction. The article examines the issues of legal personality related to human rights in international and national law and whether these relations are limited by the interaction of the state and the individual.Since 2016 the United States has been investigating alleged Russian meddling in the US election, which, in addition to hacker attacks, might have been carried out through social networks and services owned by the American multinational corporations – Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, etc. Discussions in the Senate shed light on the business activities of the companies themselves which had an opportunity to manipulate and most likely manipulated the public consciousness, which is a violation of the basic human rights to freedom of choice, freedom of the media and others. At the same time this activity occurred with the alleged observance of legislation and contract law.The article discusses various aspects of the activities of Google and Facebook during a number of American electoral campaigns as evidence of corporate human rights violations.Materials and methods. The methodological basis of the study comprises general scientific (analysis, analogy, comparison) and special methods of researching legal phenomena and processes (method of interpretation of legal norms, technical-legal, formal-legal and formal-logical methods).The results of the study. Nowadays Corporations have reached a level of influence comparable to that of the states. But if for economists or political scientists there is no question of including companies in the legal personality structure, lawyers still have doubts. The analysis shows that the traditional approach to human rights as a relationship exclusively between the state and the individual does not fully meet modern realities. The person of legal relations is a participant in interaction regulated by the rules of law. The electoral campaigns in the United States in recent years show that large transnational corporations are able to violate the fundamental rights of the person enshrined in the constitution while observing secondary norms designed to ensure their implementation as well as contract law concerning user agreements.Discussion and conclusions. The necessity of considering human rights in the system of relations “state corporation – physical individual” was substantiated. The conclusion is made that corporations are a threat to the observance of human rights. The topicality of researching the American experience regarding Internet companies influencing the electoral processes in Russia was shown.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Faisal Javaid, Dr. Suwaibah Qadri

The rise of independent Central Asian states after the disintegration of the USSR has transformed the regional geostrategic environment. America quickly established diplomatic relations with the Kyrgyz Republic in 1991. Kyrgyzstan is not a wealthy state and it is facing several challenges such as ethnic issues, bad governance, narcotics, and foreign involvements. After the 9/11 events, the state got special attention for America due to its geographical position towards Afghanistan. Kyrgyzstan condemned these attacks and supported to anti-terrorist alliance. It offered military bases for operation in Afghanistan after the relation between America and Kyrgyzstan have strengthened. After the tulip revolution, both states' relationships were affected. This research examines the role of the United States in Kyrgyzstan. It also examines the political, economic, and security relations between the U.S. and Kyrgyzstan. This study evaluates the several challenges tackled by the United States.


2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (653) ◽  
pp. 99-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Klare

The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-471
Author(s):  
Wassim Daghrir

Should the United States’ global mission be to make the world “safe for democracy”, as Woodrow Wilson said, or, in the words of John Quincy Adams, should the US be “the well-wisher of freedom and independence of all” but the “champion and vindicator only of our own”? The debate between Idealists and Realists in US foreign policy has been going on forever. Idealists hold that the US should make its internal political philosophy, namely Democracy, the goal of its foreign policy. Realists, on the other hand, esteem that the US foreign policy should be mainly oriented towards the protection and enhancement of “the National Interest”. My line of reasoning is that the balance has always shifted towards Realism and, occasionally, aggressive Realism. U.S. interventions in Latin America offer telling case studies. They have taken the shape of a mixture of overt and covert interventions in conjunction with the significant political, economic and military pressures. Washington’s efforts to check hostile developments in the Americas necessitated the investment of considerable tax-dollars, political capital, and even American lives. To accomplish its political, strategic, and economic objectives in the area, the U.S. has devoted extensive human and material resources. The strategy to follow might differ depending on each country’s specificity or on the reactions of the U.S. Congress and public opinion. The big lines, however, remain unaffected, as we will try to find out through our study of the U.S. interventions in El Salvador.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 88-98
Author(s):  
A. V. Toropygin ◽  
A. E. Mendagaziev

Central Asia is the union republics of former Central Asia and Kazakhstan, which became independent countries after the USSR collapse. The formation of new states and regions is associated with both internal challenges and the influence of external extra-regional forces. The purpose of the article is analyzing the interests and influence of the United States, China, and Russia on the Central Asia development, as well as the perception of these forces in the region. Various stages of this influence from the moment of its appearance to the present time are analyzed. The authors concluded that the countries of Central Asia during its independent existence perceived powers in the triangle USA — Russia — China differently, which was a prerequisite for the formation of their multi-vector foreign policy. The balance of interests of Russia’s, the United States’ and China’s presence in the region is vital for the Central Asian countries, it provides an independent foreign policy course and development of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, contributing to a stable situation in the region.


2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Benjamin Feldman ◽  
John Bellamy Foster

<a href="http://monthlyreview.org/product/monopoly_capital/" target="_blank"><em>Monopoly Capital</em></a> was the principal Marxian, and indeed radical, political-economic work to be published in the 1960s, written by the two most prestigious Marxian economists in the United States and perhaps globally. It grew out of the critique of militarism and imperialism and economic waste as much as out of economic crisis. It was one of the first major works to focus on multinational corporations. Its final chapter emphasized the "irrational system" and was influenced by [Paul] Baran's early background with the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. All of this made it extremely influential with the New Left in the United States, particularly its more radical, socialist wing. A good indication of this is Assar Lindbeck's 1971 mainstream attack on what he called <em>The Political Economy of the New Left</em>, which focused almost entirely on <em>Monopoly Capital</em>.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-6" title="Vol. 67, No. 6: November 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>


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