scholarly journals From Yeltsin to Putin

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Wonhee Lee
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
World Order ◽  
National Interest ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The World ◽  
Nuclear Crisis

Russia has developed multipolar paradigm in its effort to reobtain the position of the Great Power since it realized that it could not exert influence strong enough to stake its claim in the world politics. The advocacy of a multipolar world order, referred to as the “Primakov Doctrine,” shifted Moscow’s attitude toward the two Koreas as well. In its pursuit of multipolarity in East Asia, Russia has designed its strategy toward Korea’s nuclear crisis and unification to best suit its national interest. Considering the competition among the Great Powers in East Asia, Russia’s Korea policy can better be understood under such a multilateral framework.

Despite the “New Assertiveness,” China Is Not Up for Challenging the Global Order

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhang Ruizhuang
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The World ◽  
Catch Up ◽  
China’S Economy

History shows that the rise and fall of great powers are conducive to conflict and war, while realist international theories try to prove there is an irresistible logic to this historical lesson. If China has indeed risen to a full-fledged great power, the rest of the world does have reason to worry about its intentions and strategy toward the current global order. But does that premise hold up? Despite China’s phenomenal economic growth and the widespread “second place” bubble, China’s economy is not as strong as it appears. The chapter argues that China still has a long way to go to catch up to the current superpower, the United States, but its growth is more unsustainable than analysts tend to assume. China has neither the capability nor the intention to destabilize the current world order, and this defines China as not a revisionist but rather as a status quo state.

PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENTOF MILITARY-POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE COUNTRIESOF THE POST-SOVIET SPACE

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
U.S. ALIYEV
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Security Treaty ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
The World ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
Post Soviet Space

In the context of the formation of a new world order, there is a need to make changes to the development strategy of the Eurasian Economic Union and, even more broadly, integration processes in the post-Soviet space. These changes should take into account the changes taking place in the world, the emergence of new properties of world politics, which are often generically called turbulence. The components of turbulence are conflictness and uncertainty, but this is not the whole list, there are other components. On the example of the Transnistrian conflict settlement, it is shown that success in this process is possible if we are not confined to the conflict itself, but we act on the basis of Russias and the European Unions mutual desire to reduce conflictness in the world and in the European region. Uncertainties can be contrasted with the emergence of military-political factor as the leading one of Eurasian integration in the form of rapprochement and the gradual merger of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization.

The World of Uncertainty: Is America Losing Its Leverage Towards a Looming New China–Russia Alliance?

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Window Of Opportunity ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Alliance Building

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.

Liberal Internationalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Beate Jahn
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Main Function ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Successful Integration

Since the end of the Cold War, peacebuilding operations have become an integral part of world politics—despite their continuing failures. This chapter provides an account of peacebuilding operations in practice and identifies cycles of failure and reform, namely the successful integration of peacebuilding into the fabric of the world order despite its continuing failures. It traces these dynamics back to the internal contradictions of liberalism and argues that the main function of peacebuilding operations lies in managing the tensions and contradictions inherent in a liberal world order. Peacebuilding—in one form or another—is therefore likely to persist for the duration of a liberal world order.

What Russia Can Teach Us about Power and Influence in World Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-167
Author(s):  
Andrei Melville ◽  
Andrei Akhremenko ◽  
Mikhail Mironyuk
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Political Community ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
The World ◽  
National Power ◽  
Distribution Of Power

There is a striking opposition within the current discourse on Russia’s position in the world. On the one hand, there are well-known arguments about Russia’s “weak hand” (relatively small and stagnating economy, vulnerability to sanctions, technological backwardness, deteriorating demography, corruption, bad institutions, etc.). On the other hand, Russia is accused of “global revisionism”, attempts to reshape and undermine the liberal world order, and Western democracy itself. There seems to be a paradox: Russia with a perceived decline of major resources of national power, exercises dramatically increased international influence. This paradox of power and/or influence is further explored. This paper introduces a new complex Index of national power. On the basis of ratings of countries authors compare the dynamics of distribution of power in the world with a focus on Russia’s national power in world politics since 1995. The analysis brings evidence that the cumulative resources of Russia’s power in international affairs did not increase during the last two decades. However, Russia’s influence in world politics has significantly increased as demonstrated by assertive foreign policy in different parts of the world and its perception by the international political community and the public. Russia remains a major power in today’s world, although some of its power resources are stagnating or decreasing in comparison to the US and rising China. To compensate for weaknesses Russia is using both traditional and nontraditional capabilities of international influence.

The Literature of Decline

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 303-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Change ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Exceptional Value

This article compares reflections from four sources on the state of the American democracy in the international community (The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, by Paul Kennedy; 1999: Victory Without War, by Richard Nixon; “Communism at Bay,”The Economist; Long Cycles in World Politics, by George Modelski) within the framework of the 1980s, which was portrayed by leaders as “an era of good feelings.” Yet drastically different positions on American rise or decline are propounded by historians and officeholders, former presidents and scholars, journalists and aspiring candidates for political office. These four writings reveal the complexity of the analysis of the American decline. Yet, it is crucial for leaders to maintain public devotion to their nation, not through passion, but rather, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, through “the solid quarry of sober reason,”. America's capacity to preserve a strong and healthy resilience, the author concludes, is the exceptional value it continues to offer the world.

scholarly journals Desecularization of the World Community as Tension Source in the International Relations and World Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-45
Author(s):  
I. V. SLEDZEVSKIY
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
Western World ◽  
Religious Revival ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
World Community ◽  
The World

Article is devoted to a role of world religions in the modern international relations and world politics. The phenomenon of world religious revival, his connection with globalization processes, formation of the multi-polar, polycivilization world is investigated. A research objective is the analysis of tendencies of a desecularization of the world community, the reasons and possible consequences of this process in global measurement. Article includes Introduction, three analytical sections and the Conclusion. In Introduction the phenomenon of world religious revival and approaches to his studying is presented. It is asked about a desecularization of the world community as a possible subject of the new direction of the international political researches – the international religious studies. The thesis about crisis of secular bases of modern political system of the world is proved in the first section. Revision of bases of a world order and standards of belonging to the world community from positions of the reviving religious fundamentalism, the cultural and political and social and economic bases of this process are considered. In the second section the role in a desecularization of the world community of political Islam (Islamism) is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest danger of politicization of Islam consists in emergence of difficult surmountable civilization break in the world community between the Western world (still confident in universality of the values) and the world of Islam. In the third section the possibilities of prevention of disintegration of the existing system of the international relations and collision of the cultural worlds are considered. The main attention is paid to processes of a global political institutionalization of such dialogue and its justification in the concept of global ethics – purposeful coordination and gradual connection of the basic moral and ethical values concluded in great religious and cultural traditions of the world. In the final section of article the conclusion is drawn that process of an institutionalization of civilization dialogue (civilization communication) it isn’t finished yet and didn’t become irreversible.

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