Between Economic Utility and Regional Attachment: The EMU and Eastern Enlargement in the Spanish Eye

Author(s):  
Susanna Kislenko

 This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v5i1.203  

2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna Kislenko

This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 80-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Schneider

The transition to the CAP and admission to the internal market triggered a shock wave in Austria which caused fundamental changes in the country&rsquo;s farming and food industries. Behavioural patterns stuck in traditional routines and petrified structures began to break up. The resulting thrust towards modernisation has been a major success of the EU integration.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br />Eastern enlargement, about to be embarked on by the European Union, will have a&nbsp;greater impact on Austrian agriculture than the country&rsquo;s accession to the EU ever had. Farmers will have to brace for a loss of market shares and an additional pressure to adjust. The rural regions bordering the accession candidates will be particularly hit and thus require special attention in terms of economic policy measures. Agriculture and rural regions in Eastern Europe will profit from the EU-membership.


2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (s1) ◽  
pp. 137-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miklós Somai ◽  
Zsuzsánna Biedermann

This paper reviews the deeper societal and economic reasons behind the British choice of leaving the European Union. We address the detailed results of the referendum and the long-standing sceptical British attitude towards European integration; next, we analyse the net budgetary contribution that changed enormously after the Eastern Enlargement. It is argued that the rise in the immigrantnative ratio had a significant impact on employee’s pay level in certain areas, therefore pro-Brexit campaigners highlighted migration as one of the major problems arising from EU membership. Increasing income and wealth inequalities and a growing anti-elite sentiment in British society, coupled with the negative image of Brussels bureaucrats and a British approach to the rule of law that is fundamentally different from the continental one, also contributed to the final result of the referendum. Our analysis ends with a glimpse into the close future, emphasising that the future of British-EU relations depends wholly on the pragmatism and wisdom of the negotiating parties.


Author(s):  
Anna Michalski

This chapter examines the adaptations that have occurred in Sweden’s political and administrative system following its admission to the European Union on 1 January 1995. Sweden became a member of the EU on 1 January 1995 after a long period of hesitation. After fifteen years of membership, reticence has given way to a more positive stance, best characterized as pragmatic support. The chapter first considers patterns in Sweden’s membership in the EU before discussing Swedish public opinion towards the EU and the impact of Sweden’s EU membership on the country’s political parties, political institutions, public administration, and sub-national actors such as the civil service. The chapter goes on to explore Sweden’s approach to EU public policy and concludes by comparing its experience with those of other member states, including Austria and Finland.


2019 ◽  
pp. 219-232
Author(s):  
Simona Guerra ◽  
Hans-Jörg Trenz

This chapter provides an overview of trends in public opinion toward the European Union. The chapter also discusses the key factors thought to explain differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include political economy and rationality; that is, opinions stemming from calculations about the costs and benefits of the EU; perceptions of the national government (domestic proxies); the influence of political elites; political psychology, including cognitive mobilization (attentiveness to politics) and concerns about the loss of national identity; and finally, the role of the mass media in driving opinions regarding the EU.


1970 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Guo

For the past several decades, the prospect of Turkey’s accession to the European Union has been met with no shortage of obstacles. Turkey had formally applied for candidacy in 1987, but was not granted candidacy status approval by the European Commission until 1999. Furthermore, it has been indicated that the process of Turkey’s accession to the EU will continue until at least 2014. Despite what some describe as both a “long…and torturous” road still ahead, both the Turkey and the EU have remained on the path towards a Turkish EU membership. What are the driving forces behind the accession and what are the future challenges to be faced? Will the overall benefits overcome the acquired and perceived costs? The following paper takes a look at these questions and provides a cost-benefit analysis of Turkey’s accession to the EU from both the perspective of Turkey and the EU member states. It argues that while Turkey and the EU do in fact face many challenges ahead, there are also important advantages that can be expected for both sides from Turkey’s accession. This paper concludes that these advantages constitute the driving forces toward a mutually beneficial Turkish EU membership.


Author(s):  
Çiğdem Kentmen Çin

The European Union (EU) is a sui generis international organization. It started as a common market of six Western European countries intended to bring stability and peace to Europe after the World War II. Today, the EU is a supranational organization of 28 member states with a tremendous impact not only on the economic but also on the political and social lives of Europeans. Not all European citizens, however, appreciate the policies of the EU; some claim that the EU is challenging the traditional roles and authority of nation-states. There are those who view the EU’s multilingual and multinational structure as a threat to their national integrity. Some citizens also believe that their country’s membership in the EU has been costly. A large literature is dedicated to understanding the dynamics and nature of European public opinion, since a disapproving public can influence governmental policies in the international arena and forestall the deepening of integration through referendums, as in the example of the Irish 2008 referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon. Consequently, there is a much greater focus on how the EU public views the European integration in general, their country’s membership to the EU, enlargement to other countries, certain policy areas such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and the euro. There is also a growing literature on public opinion on joining the EU in candidate countries. The literature on the EU provides perhaps the most compelling and detailed analysis of public opinion toward an international organization. Furthermore, this large literature sheds light on the relative contributions of economic cost-benefit calculations and soft (identity-related) factors to the explanation of public support for integration efforts between sovereign states.


Author(s):  
Dimitris Papadimitriou ◽  
David Phinnemore

This chapter examines the Europeanization effects associated with Romania’s effort to begin and, later, complete its accession negotiations with the European Union. The road to EU membership in 2007 was a long and hard one for Romania. While public and political opinion remained solidly in favour of integration, and ultimately membership, institutional fluidity, poor administrative capacity, political factionalism, and corruption posed significant challenges to processes of domestic adaptation. The chapter first provides an overview of the changing pattern of Romania’s relationship with the EU before discussing some of the early evidence of the impact of EU membership on Romanian public opinion, party politics, and public policy. It also looks at important factors that have affected both the ‘production’ and ‘reception’ of the Europeanization pressures associated with the EU’s most recent enlargement. Finally, it compares Romania’s EU membership experience with those of other member states, particularly Poland and Bulgaria.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (6(69)) ◽  
pp. 161-181
Author(s):  
Bogdan Koszel

The European Union and the Forgotten Conflict over Transnistria The European Community/European Union was not formally involved in the resolution of the Transnistria conflict. It was believed that success would be possible with the help of an OSCE mission with active Russian participation. The EU considers the rebellious Transnistria as an integral part of Moldova. It sought to support its pro-Western course through the PCA and the Association Agreement. Moldova’s lack of prospects for EU membership and strong Russian influence in the country perpetuate existing divisions. In Europe, hardly anyone remembers the frozen conflict over Transnistria. After a brief period of armed struggle in the early 1990s, it did not accumulate any more international tension and attracted no more attention from the international public opinion.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


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