scholarly journals Pidana Denda sebagai Alternatif Pemidanaan pada Tindak Pidana Kekerasan dalam Rumah Tangga

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-192
Author(s):  
Ana Indah Cahyani ◽  
Yulia Monita ◽  
Elizabeth Siregar

ABSTRAK Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan memahami pengaturan sanksi pidana dalam kasus kekerasan dalam rumah tangga menurut Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004 tentang Penghapusan Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga berikut dan  implementasi pidana denda sebagai alternatif pemidanaan pada tindak pidana kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Dengan menggunakan metode yuridis empiris, penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pidana denda sebagai alternatif pemidanaan pada tindak pidana kekerasan dalam rumah tangga belum terlaksana. Pidana denda sebagai alternatif pidana penjara pada tindak pidana kekerasan dalam rumah tangga perlu dikembangkan. Karena pidana denda mampu memberikan efek jera dan selaras dengan tujuan penghapusan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Selain itu, pidana denda lebih mengutamakan keutuhan rumah tangga yang harmonis dan sejahtera guna mengurangi kemungkinan perceraian. Maka dari itu pada kasus kekerasan dalam rumah tangga yang tidak terlalu berat perlu diterapkan pidana denda sebagai alternatif dari pidana penjara agar terciptanya keadilan, kepastian, dan kemanfaatan terutama bagi masyarakat, korban dan terpidana itu sendiri. ABSTRACT The objectives to be achieved in this study are: 1) to know and understand the regulation of criminal sanction in cases of domestic violence according to the Law Number 23 Year 2004 Elimination of Domestic Violence. 2) to find out the implementation of criminal fine as an alternative punishment in the crime of domestic violence. Using the empirical juridical method, the study has found that criminal fines as an alternative to criminal acts in domestic violence have not been implemented. Criminal fines as an alternative to imprisonment in domestic violence should be developed because it is able to provide a detterent effect and are aligned with the aim of eliminating domestic violence. Criminal fines prioritize the integrity of a harmonious and prosperous household in order to reduce the possibility of diorce. Therefore in cases of domestic violence that are not too severe it is necessary to apply criminal fines as an alternative to imprisonment in order to create justice, certainty and benefits especially for the community, victims and convicts themselves.

Author(s):  
Zorica Saltirovska Professor ◽  
Sunchica Dimitrijoska Professor

Gender-based violence is a form of discrimination that prevents women from enjoying the rights and liberties on an equal level with men. Inevitably, domestic violence shows the same trend of victimizing women to such a degree that the term “domestic violence” is increasingly becoming synonymous with “violence against women”. The Istanbul Convention defines domestic violence as "gender-based violence against women", or in other words "violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately." The situation is similar in the Republic of Macedonia, where women are predominantly victims of domestic violence. However, the Macedonian legal framework does not define domestic violence as gender-based violence, and thus it does not define it as a specific form of discrimination against women. The national legislation stipulates that victims are to be protected in both a criminal and a civil procedure, and the Law on Prevention and Protection from Domestic Violence determines the actions of the institutions and civil organizations in the prevention of domestic violence and the protection of victims. The system for protection of victims of domestic violence closely supports the Law on Social Protection and the Law on Free Legal Aid, both of which include provisions on additional assistance for women victims of domestic violence. However, the existing legislation has multiple deficiencies and does not allow for a greater efficacy in implementing the prescribed measures for the protection of victims of domestic violence. For this reason, as well as due to the inconsistent implementation of legal solutions of this particular issue, the civil sector is constantly expressing their concern about the increasingly wider spread of domestic violence against women and about the protection capabilities at their disposal. The lack of recognition of all forms of gender-based violence, the trivial number of criminal sentences against persons who perform acts of domestic violence, the insufficient support offered to victims – including victim shelters, legal assistance, and counseling, and the lack of systematic databases on domestic violence cases on a national level, are a mere few of the many issues clearly pointing to the inevitable conclusion that the protection of women-victims of domestic violence is inadequate. Hence, the functionality and efficiency of both the existing legislation and the institutions in charge of protection and support of women – victims of domestic violence is being questioned, which is also the subject for analysis in this paper.


Jurnal Hukum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1592
Author(s):  
Hanafi Amrani

AbstrakArtikel ini membahas dua permasalahan pokok: pertama, kriteria yang digunakan oleh pembentuk undang-undang di bidang politik dalam menetapkan suatu perbuatan sebagai perbuatan pidana (kriminalisasi); dan kedua, fungsi sanksi pidana dalam undang-undang di bidang politik. Terkait dengan kriminalisasi, undang-undang di bidang politik yang termasuk ke dalam hukum administrasi, maka pertimbangan dari pembuat undang-undang tentu saja tidak sekedar kriminalisasi sebagaimana diatur dalam ketentuan hukum pidana dalam arti sebenarnya. Hal tersebut disebabkan adanya pertimbangan-pertimbangan tertentu. Pertama, perbuatan yang dilarang dalam hukum pidana administrasi lebih berorientasi pada perbuatan yang bersifat mala prohibita, sedangkan dalam ketentuan hukum pidana yang sesungguhnya berorientasi pada perbuatan yang bersifat mala in se. Kedua, sebagai konsekuensi dari adanya penggolongan dua kategori kejahatan tersebut, maka pertimbangan yang dijadikan acuan juga akan berbeda. Untuk yang pertama (mala prohibita), sanksi pidana itu dibutuhkan untuk menjamin ditegakkannya hukum administrasi tersebut. Dalam hal ini sanksi pidana berfungsi sebagai pengendali dan pengontrol tingkah laku individu untuk mencapai suatu keadaan yang diinginkan. Sedangkan untuk yang kedua (mala in se), fungsi hukum pidana dan sanksi pidana lebih berorientasi pada melindungi dan mempertahankan nilai-nilai moral yang tertanam di masyarakat tempat di mana hukum itu diberlakukan atau ditegakkan. Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Kriminalisasi, Undang-Undang PolitikThis article discusses two main problems: firstly, the criteria used by the legislators in the field of politics in determining an act as a criminal act (criminalization); secondly, the function of criminal sanctions in legislation in the field of politics. Associated with criminalization, legislation in the field of politics that is included in administrative law, the consideration of the legislators of course not just criminalization as stipulated in the provisions of criminal law in the true sense. This is due to certain considerations. Firstly, the act which is forbidden in the administration of criminal law is more oriented to act is malum prohibitum offences, whereas in actual criminal law provisions in the act are mala in se offences. Secondly, as a consequence of the existence of two categories of classification of the crime, then consideration will also vary as a reference. For the first (mala prohibita), criminal sanctions are needed to ensure the enforcement of the administrative law. In this case the criminal sanction serves as controller and controlling the behavior of individuals to achieve a desired state. As for the second (mala in se), the function of criminal law and criminal sanctions is more oriented to protect and maintain the moral values that are embedded in a society where the law was enacted or enforced.


Since its Broadway debut, Hamilton: An American Musical has infused itself into the American experience: who shapes it, who owns it, who can rap it best. Lawyers and legal scholars, recognizing the way the musical speaks to some of our most complicated constitutional issues, have embraced Alexander Hamilton as the trendiest historical face in American civics. This book offers a revealing look into the legal community's response to the musical, which continues to resonate in a country still deeply divided about the reach of the law. Intellectual property scholars share their thoughts on Hamilton's inventive use of other sources, while family law scholars explore domestic violence. Critical race experts consider how Hamilton furthers our understanding of law and race, while authorities on the Second Amendment discuss the language of the Constitution's most contested passage. Legal scholars moonlighting as musicians discuss how the musical lifts history and law out of dusty archives and onto the public stage. This collection of minds, inspired by the phenomenon of the musical and the Constitutional Convention of 1787, urges us to heed Lin-Manuel Miranda and the Founding Fathers and to create something new, daring, and different.


2014 ◽  
Vol 78 (6) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Clayton-Helm

This article examines the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims (Amendment) Act 2012, and how it has further developed the law in order to punish offenders where there are multiple defendants, and it is clear one of them caused death or serious physical harm to a child or vulnerable adult. Having considered how the 2012 Amendment Act developed the law from the position under the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004, the article also explores what the 2004 Act failed to address. Some of the terminology used in the 2004 Act is problematic and was not considered by the 2012 Amendment Act. This article considers that terminology in further detail before asserting that, despite it remaining as problematic, the 2012 Amendment Act has still made an important step forward in the law, and has bridged a gap to ensure more guilty defendants are punished.


1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 4-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Maidment

This paper examines the parliamentary response to domestic violence as represented in three pieces of legislation: the Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act 1976, the Domestic Proceedings and Magistrates' Courts Act 1978 and the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977. There is also briefer consideration of the role of criminal law, divorce and the possibility of using wardship procedures and actions in tort. The author maintains that the most important need of battered women is the provision of alternative permanent accommodation, and that this must be the criterion by which the efficacy of the present law is judged. With this in mind, the provisions of the three major Acts are described and evaluated, with most attention going to the 1976 Act. Maidment's general conclusion is that the promises held out by the legislative reforms ‘do not appear to have been fulfilled in practice’. The legal remedies are available, but the ways in which they are interpreted and implemented mean that battered women are inadequately protected. Violence against women has to be seen in the context of a patriarchal family system and the subordinate status of women. The law, on its own, cannot change deep-seated public attitudes, although it may have an important symbolic and educative role to play in contributing to such a change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (04) ◽  
pp. 908-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gretchen Arnold ◽  
Megan Slusser

There is little documentation about how nuisance property laws, which fine people for excessive 911 calls, affect victims of domestic violence. In St. Louis, we found that police and prosecutors believe that the law benefits victims of domestic violence by providing them with additional services. By contrast, advocates for domestic violence victims believe that the law undermines battered women's access to housing and discourages them from calling 911. Using qualitative data, we analyze how the organizational structures and dynamics within which each group works give rise to different stocks of working knowledge. We conclude that law enforcement officials are unaware of these harms because women's voices and experiences are marginalized during the enforcement process. This research reveals mechanisms through which law enforcement policies reinforce gender inequality, and illustrates some ways in which gender relations and power come into play in what, on their surface, appear to be gender‐neutral laws.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Suneetha ◽  
Vasudha Nagaraj

The discourse on domestic violence in India is animated by the language of rights and empowerment in which domestic violence is seen as the condition that needs to be overcome. It imagines the women facing violence as would-be citizen-subjects, who can actualise their right against violence once the law and institutions are set in order. Inadequate institutionalisation of right against violence and inadequate individuation of women are understood to be the major problems here. In this article, we problematise these two assumptions by taking a close look at women’s interface with public institutions in the context of domestic violence. One, we point to the resources women need to mobilise in the family and community to actualise their right against this violence; two we argue that institutionalisation of this right has led to women being subject to governmental mode of power and three, we discuss the actual deployment of this right in everyday activism as a political goal, than a guarantee against violence. We suggest that a critical consideration of the working of this ‘right’ is required to understand the changing contours of women’s battles with this violence in the post-1990 period.


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