scholarly journals Chinese Maritime Politics in the 13th Century, Malay States and Javanese Imperium

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 343
Author(s):  
Saiful Hakam

This study aims to explain about the rise of the Chinese trading culture, which is considered original at first then change progressively based on the internal process, and become damaged after making contacts with the native civilizations, is completely dissatisfying, though part of the truth is explained. Based on the critical analysis approach from the historical facts written by some scholars, the result of this study shows that the political and cultural changes were absolutely a sign of remarkable shock. Mongol conquests were contributed to these changes, though indirectly. Indian civilization was accepted by the native people, which then also influenced by the native culture. While the Islamic Nuance in Indian Ocean had been colored by Islamic nuance for approximately two centuries, wherein the trades in the middle and Chinese oceans were united naturally. Meanwhile Southeast Asia had grown rapidly after being involved in the hectic trading traffic. There were new social groups with the wealth of mobile capital, with a new spirit as the trades, in which in its development, there was a new form of state which was called as sultanate. One of the most important facts of that period is the rise of Java as a great sea power. Keywords:Chinese politic, Trading, Civilization

2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422097612
Author(s):  
Gloria Araceli Rodriguez-Lorenzo

This article analyses the interplay between sound and urban spaces in Spain, from the end of nineteenth century until 1936. Free outdoor concerts performed by bands in public urban spaces offered a new aural experience audience from across an increasing range of very diverse social groups, almost ritualizing both the practice of listening to music and the spaces in which that music was heard—all at a time when those very spaces were changing, in a way which mirrored the wider reconfiguration and modernization of Spanish cities. Case studies focusing on political, social, and cultural changes in urban spaces are analyzed, in order to understand how cities developed new spaces for social interaction, the modern sonic environment, and the ways in which those cities have appropriated culture for their citizens, as a symbol of urban modernity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.


1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 211-222
Author(s):  
Paul Bennett

Abstract‘Notes from Libya’ is a new regular feature of Libyan Studies following the reports of the Society's Head of Mission. These reports were previously concerned with the organisation of fieldwork and administrative matters connected to obtaining permissions, visas and so on, and were recorded in the minutes of the Council meetings. However, they have recently taken on a new form, outlining the alarming developments in Libya, largely focusing on its heritage but also on the political and economic situation, which impacts on the management of Libya's ancient monuments and artefacts. The importance and historical interest of these reports now, however, merits a wider audience and a more formal record, so these accounts are now published in Libyan Studies.


2003 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley E. Ensor ◽  
Marisa O. Ensor ◽  
Gregory W. De Vries

Waters and Ravesloot (2001) test the assumption that natural river channel change caused periods of Hohokam cultural reorganization. However, they conclude that channel changes did not correlate with all periods and areas of significant cultural changes and that landscape alone cannot explain Hohokam transformations. An anthropological perspective on political ecology and disasters can explain why environmental processes and events differentially impact societies, differentially impact societies diachronically and differentially impact social groups within societies. We suggest that this perspective may explain the variability described by Waters and Ravesloot.


1973 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Döbert ◽  
Gertrud Nunner-Winkler

AbstractLate capitalist societies increasingly prove incapable of generating the modal personality that would correspond to the imperatives under which the political and economic subsystems operate. This is due to a process of the sharpening of the crisis of adolescence in which system-dysfunctional solutions are gaining ground. In terms of the interactionist approach the problem specific to the adolescent phase, i. e. the problem of identity formation, becomes one of coming to grips with the cultural system; this in turn, prompted by a series of socio-cultural changes, lays bare the immanent structural difficulties of the bourgeois legitimation system. Differentiated ways of solving this crisis correspond to various processes of a selective thematization of the contents of the cultural system and thereby to differential behavior patterns (e. g. student revolt, hippies, drug-addicts, Jesus-People, withdrawal).


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (6) ◽  
pp. e2019375118
Author(s):  
Andrew Gelman ◽  
Yotam Margalit

To explain the political clout of different social groups, traditional accounts typically focus on the group’s size, resources, or commonality and intensity of its members’ interests. We contend that a group’s penumbra—the set of individuals who are personally familiar with people in that group—is another important explanatory factor that merits systematic analysis. To this end, we designed a panel study that allows us to learn about the characteristics of the penumbras of politically relevant groups such as gay people, the unemployed, or recent immigrants. Our study reveals major and systematic differences in the penumbras of various social groups, even ones of similar size. Moreover, we find evidence that entering a group’s penumbra is associated with a change in attitude on group-related policy questions. Taken together, our findings suggest that penumbras are pertinent for understanding variation in the political standing of different groups in society.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

This scientific article is devoted to some theoretical problems of the theory of the political system of society. The purpose of the article is to show the true, objective position in relation to the subjects of the political system. To solve this goal, the following tasks were set: a critical analysis of the opinions of those authors who consider as such: 1) criminal communities; 2) public organizations with an insignificant political aspect. Moreover, both in the first and in the second case, it has been proven that scientists are engaged in the substitution of concepts, that is, they commit a logical error. Result: 1) criminal associations are not subjects of the political system of society; 2) according to the political criterion, it is necessary to distinguish only proper political and not proper political organizations; 3) general theoretical provisions, opposite to those stated, differing in illogicality, do not contribute to improving the quality of educational literature on the theory of state and law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Mariana de Genova Ferreira ◽  
Gisele Pereira de Souza

Ao analisar as teorias de Pierre Bourdieu e Paulo Freire sobre educação, bem como a posição acadêmica e política dos autores sobre o tema, o artigo pretende refletir sobre projeto ‘Escola sem Partido’ e sua implicação em relação à prática dentro da sala de aula. Tal movimento que, nos últimos tempos, ganhou destaque no cenário brasileiro é contra o que chama de doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte dos professores e a usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos. Constatou-se que no cenário brasileiro atual existe uma iniciativa de diminuir a força da análise crítica dentro das escolas. A própria natureza do ‘Escola sem Partido’ traz essa premissa, pois a intenção de desmerecer a posição política do professor junto aos seus alunos demonstra que o propósito seja desqualificar a iniciativa de incentivar uma consciência crítica, o que, de múltiplas formas discutidas no presente estudo, colabora para que a relação oprimido e opressor prospere.Palavras-chave: Educação. Autonomia do Indivíduo. Escola sem Partido Reflections about ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspired by the theories of Paulo Freire and Pierre BourdieuAnalyzing the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Paulo Freire on education, as well as the academic and political position of the authors on the theme, the article intends to reflect on the project “Escola Sem Partido” and its implication in relation to the practice within the classroom. This movement, which recently gained prominence in the Brazilian scenario, is against what it calls the political and ideological indoctrination of students by teachers and the usurpation of the rights of parents in the moral and religious education of their children. It was found that in the current Brazilian scenario there is an initiative to reduce the force of critical analysis within schools. The very nature of the “Escola Sem Partido” has this premise, since the intention to discredit the teacher’s political position with his students demonstrates that the purpose is to disqualify the initiative to encourage a critical conscience. What, in many ways is discussed in the present study, contributes to the oppressed and oppressive relationship to thrive.Keywords: Education. Autonomy of the Individual. Escola sem Partido. Reflexiones sobre la ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspirada por las teorías de Paulo Freire y Pierre BourdieuRESUMENAl analizar las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu y Paulo Freire sobre educación, así como la posición académica y política de los autores sobre el tema, el artículo pretende reflexionar sobre proyecto “Escola sem Partido” y su implicación con relación a la práctica dentro del aula. Tal movimiento, que en los últimos tiempos ganó destaque en el escenario brasileño está en contra lo que llama de adoctrinamiento político e ideológico de los alumnos por parte de los profesores y la usurpación de los derechos de los padres en la educación moral y religiosa de sus hijos. Se constató que en el escenario brasileño actual existe una iniciativa de disminuir la fuerza del análisis crítico dentro de las escuelas. La propia naturaleza de la “Escola sem Partido” aporta esa premisa, pues la intención de desmerecer la posición política del profesor junto a sus alumnos demuestra que el propósito sea descalificar la iniciativa de incentivar una conciencia crítica. Lo que, de múltiples formas discutidas en el presente estudio, colabora para que la relación oprimido y opresor prospere.Palabras clave: La educación. Autonomía del individuo. Escola sem Partido.


Author(s):  
Gloria Román Ruiz

Resumen: El artículo se interroga por la naturaleza y la intensidad de las resistencias que algunos grupos sociales plantearon al proceso de transformación política y socio-cultural que comenzó a finales de los años sesenta y se extendió a lo largo de los setenta. Presta atención a aquellos sujetos que alzaron su voz en defensa de la tradición y en contra de la modernidad, así como a la incidencia que tuvieron sus acciones y comportamientos de oposición sobre el proceso de democratización. En primer lugar, el texto se detiene en las acciones de resistencia protagonizadas por feligreses conservadores que abrigaban actitudes políticas aquiescentes con la dictadura y acudían a escuchar misa a una parroquia regentada por un cura progresista. En segundo lugar, atiende a las resistencias expresadas por la comunidad parroquial de la iglesia de San José de Estepona (Málaga) ante el proyecto para la instauración de un complejo nudista en la localidad en 1978.Palabras clave: tardofranquismo, transición, democratización, resistencias al cambio, conservadurismo.Abstract: The article wonders about the nature and the intensity of the resistances set in motion by some social groups against the process of political and socio-cultural transformation that began at the end of the sixties and extended throughout the seventies. It pays attention to those subjects who raised their voice in defence of the tradition and against the modernity, as well as to the impact of their actions and opposition behaviours on the process of democratization. In the first place, the paper deals with the actions of resistance activated by the conservative parishioners who had acquiescent political attitudes towards the dictatorship and who attended to a parish ruled by a progressive priest. Secondly, it focuses on the resistances expressed by the parochial community of the San José church (Estepona, Málaga) caused by a nudist project in the town in 1978.Keywords: late Francoism, transition to democracy, democratization, resistances to change, conservatism.


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