‘Bringing what people want’: shrine politics among the Agar Dinka

Africa ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-369
Author(s):  
A. N. M. Mawson

AbstractLarge shrines are built by Dinka in parts of the central southern Sudan. In early 1983, coinciding with the deepening political crisis which led to the current devastating civil war in Sudan, the byre of the divinity Mayual, a shrine of the Agar Dinka of southern Bahr al-Ghazal, was rebuilt by representatives of several subtribes with lands around the town of Rumbek.The byre shrine stood for the community of its rebuilders, a community that recognised the politico-religious centrality of the subclan Panamacot, the senior subclan of a group of religiously powerful subclans known as rordior, the sons women. The senior religious figure from Panamacot was the master of the byre. The master of the byre was also President of Rumbek Town Court, a secular office created by the government. Until his election in 1976 Agar had maintained that the institutions of religious leader and secular court official could not be combined in the same man.In late 1982 and early 1983 the imminent rebuilding of the shrine became the focus of a politico-religious dispute between the master of the byre and a divinely inspired rival from a different subclan. The dispute was a struggle for influence within the rebuilding community. The form and logic of the dispute were in part created by the particular nature of each man's religious abilities, which in turn derived from his possession by particular manifestations of Divinity, manifestations which imaged differing (but not distinct) areas of historically constituted experience and were intrinsic to the creation of that experience. A politico-religious crisis was created by the coming together of people's experience of the activities of different manifestations of Divinity and the differing abilities of each religious leader with experience of daily life, perceptions of the past, and fears about the way national and regional politics were unfolding. The episode demonstrated the way that, among Agar Dinka at least, divinely inspired leadership depends upon an interpretive deal continually negotiated between a leader and his followers, a deal in which all parties are speculating on the future in the light of both the present and the past.

Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 222-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rounaq Jahan

The year did not bring any improvement in the way government and politics function in Bangladesh. Murder, intimidation, suppression, and harassment of political opponents worsened the atmosphere of vendetta and violence that has marked the country's politics in the past few decades. To tackle the deteriorating law and order situation, the government called in the army in October. The administration appeared to be adrift, caught in factional feuds within the ruling coalition. There were also signs of dynastic succession within the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party. The economy did not register any significant improvements. Relations with Pakistan improved but Indo-Bangladesh relations hit their lowest point in decades. Citizen disenchantment with political leaders continued to grow.


Significance South Sudan is facing severe conflict and insecurity, a prolonged political crisis, and dire economic conditions. A peace agreement signed in August 2015 is falling apart, and fighting and violence during the past year has caused the number of South Sudanese refugees in Uganda to rise to 900,000 -- with a further 375,000 in Sudan and 287,000 in Ethiopia. Earlier this year, aid agencies declared a famine situation in several counties, and appealed for more humanitarian aid and improved access. Impacts Oil output is likely to remain at, or near, 130,000-160,000 barrels per day. Juba’s fiscal situation will remain precarious, with the government unable to secure loans from donors. Unrest and limited strikes over salary arrears could increase.


2001 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Chiroleu ◽  
Osvaldo Iazzetta ◽  
Claudia Voras ◽  
Claudio Diaz

Although university autonomy was apparently protected during Carlos Menem's government (1989-1999), actually it was gradually undergoing substantial changes. "Intrusive" devices had been prepared by the executive power, thus causing the restriction of its objectives. This kind of state participation was less explicit than in the past, being now associated with the establishment of a system of "punishment and reward," in which financing is subordinated to "performance," evaluated according to the parameters of multilateral credit organizations . In this work, we analyse the way in which this conflict took place under Menem's government, contrasting the meanings given to the idea of autonomy by the government and by the public institution; attentin focuses on the case of the National University of Rosario.


Subject Implications of recent protests. Significance The past two weeks have seen a significant increase in protests against the government. Residents in towns across the Oromiya region have demonstrated sporadically since late 2015 after an initial wave of dissent in early 2014. Protests in the Amhara region, including in the town of Gondar, appear to signal an important shift in dynamics. The protests are the most significant challenge the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has confronted since the death of former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in 2012. Impacts External pressure is unlikely to influence the behaviour of the government, despite its reliance on aid. Attacks on ethnic Tigrayans and the ethnic characterisation of the protests as 'Oromo' or 'Amhara' will deepen polarisation in society. The military may take a more front-line role in politics if its leaders perceive politicians as being unable to maintain order.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge A. Huete-Perez ◽  
Graziella Devoli

<p>Nicaragua is a Central American country historically affected by catastrophes that have caused thousands of deaths and significant economic damages. Natural disasters are usually intertwined with repeated political crises (foreign interventions, dictatorships, armed conflicts and political unrest), which in turn hamper it´s economy and make the country even more vulnerable, suffering from severe institutional and geographic vulnerability, further aggravated by the effects of global warming.</p><p>Against this adverse background, local scientists have made significant strides in education and science. Serving a highly vulnerable society, in the past 25 years geoscientists and other professionals have been building a more resilient Nicaragua by creating and operating seismic, volcanic, meteorological and hydrological networks, mapping multi-hazards in the most susceptible municipalities, organizing emergency response institutions and developing higher education programs for disaster risk management. In spite of the limited economical resources, geoscientists have embraced a strong commitment and ethical values, working with honesty and a sense of responsibility.</p><p>Over the past 12 years the country was submitted to a political regime change that ended up devastating the nascent democratic system and the rule of law, and has led to human right abuses.  These long-term problems along with the latest socio political crisis (April 2018) have had disastrous repercussions for the whole society, especially in the educational and scientific sectors.</p><p>The government has imposed censorship, intimidation and political interference. Scientists working at state institutions have been replaced by loyal political officials lacking reputable technical background. This has conditioned the scientific research and suppressed the freedom of expression of public servants with devastating consequences on disaster mitigation and response, and the undermining of the credibility of institutions and geoscientists. The negative impacts of these decisions is observed in the limitations of their services and the quality of their scientific results.</p><p>The experiences of the Academy of Sciences of Nicaragua will be discussed in its advisory role and impact on Nicaraguan society. Considering the systematic destruction of the rule of law and of human rights, the Academy focused on addressing the issues faced by university students, professors and scientists, including censorship, harassment, coercion and prosecution.</p><p>We will address (1) the Academy´s advisory work regarding the environmental risks posed by the Interoceanic Canal Project (considered as the largest engineering project in the world) and (2) the Academy´s role in contributing to solving the current sociopolitical crisis.</p><p>Used as best practices, these topics may be of relevance to the EGU audience and the scientific community at large. They could be relevant for scientists working under precarious political conditions and where political environments are hostile to scientists and scientific unions, making science advising extremely complicated.</p><p>There is an urgent need for the international community to lend their support to finding a peaceful resolution to this desperate situation in Nicaragua. Moreover, the support of global scientific societies will be decisive in the aftermath of the crisis to rebuild institutions and infrastructure for education and science, with specific training programs on geosciences. </p>


1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 299-313
Author(s):  
Robert P. Barnes

The perspective of time has allowed most British historians to declare the English phase of the British Revolution of 1688-1689 “glorious” whereas the Scottish developments largely have been ignored as inconsequential. Although Scotland was included in Macaulay's History of England, for the past century it has been mentioned only briefly in historical treatments of the Revolution. Yet the Scottish Convention Parliament of 1689 not only followed and fulfilled the English Parliament's revolutionary initiative, but in an independent process paved the way for a more fundamental, uncompromising, and far-reaching constitutional settlement.Lacking foresight to know that their best efforts would be amalgamated in the Union of 1707, Scottish politicians in 1689 forged ahead with a radical revolution that terminated Stuart absolutism and provided a fleeting chance for national independence under a constitutional monarchy. The event which opened the way for a revolutionary constitutional settlement was the forfeiture of the throne by James II & VII and the subsequent conditional offering of the same to William and Mary by the Scottish Estates in the spring of 1689.In January 1689 following the final flight of James VII from Britain and the simultaneous collapse of his Scottish administration, the leaders of the Scottish aristocracy assembled at Whitehall and temporarily placed the government of their realm in the hands of Prince William of Orange pending a Convention Parliament.


Author(s):  
Roberto Costa Martínez

En 1899 arranca el primer gobierno de Francisco Silvela. Con él, detentando el Ministerio de Gobernación, un prestigioso abogado que había accedido a la política quince años atrás; Eduardo Dato. Tras investigar un asunto de grave corrupción en el consistorio de Madrid como subsecretario de Gobernación, en 1892,  había pasado a formar parte de la disidencia conservadora encabezada por Silvela.Tras la pérdida de las colonias, las drásticas reformas económicas emprendidas en 1899 por el ministro Fernández Villaverde, propiciaron en Cataluña una huelga comercial e industrial conocida como «el tancament de caixes». El origen lo constituía una reforma tributaria, pero la confluencia con las tensiones descentralizadoras convirtieron el asunto en una auténtica crisis política; crisis que pasaría a la memoria por las “pitadas” y altercados callejeros durante la visita del propio Dato a la región durante el mes de mayo de 1900. Nuestro objetivo es ahondar en las circunstancias que rodearon dicha visita acudiendo a prensa de época así como a documentos de archivos. In 1899 the first Government of Francisco Silvela began. Included in his government, appointed to the Ministry of the Interior, was Eduardo Dato, a prestigious lawyer who had began his political career fifteen years earlier. After investigating a matter of serious corruption in the town hall of Madrid as an Undersecretary of the Government in 1892, he left his government post to became part of the conservative dissension led by Silvela.After the loss of the colonies, the drastic economic reforms undertaken in 1899 by his Government led to a commercial and industrial strike known as “The Closing of the Cashboxes”   in Catalonia. Tax reform was the impetus of the strike, but when combined with the tension of decentralization, the issue evolved into a true political crisis; this crisis would become part of the nationalist history of Catalonia through the "protests" and street riots that occurred during Dato’s visit to the region in the month of May of 1900. Our objective is to delve into the circumstances surrounding the visit going to period press and archival documents.Palabras claveDato; Catalaluña; Durán y Bas; Silvela; descentralización; La Veu de Catalunya


Subject The presidential and parliamentary elections in April. Significance President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has been in power for nearly 26 years. In the past four years Bashir and the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) have weathered the secession of South Sudan, economic stagnation, protests and renewed armed conflict in parts of the country. The government has committed itself to holding full elections on April 13-15 in line with the electoral timetable, but much of the competitive politicking has already taken place. Impacts Economic policy and practice will not change, with government departments suffering from politicisation and interests that deter reform. The low-level conflicts in Blue Nile, South Kordofan and Darfur will remain unresolved. Khartoum and central and northern Sudan will remain secure unless a political crisis occurs at the centre.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-147
Author(s):  
Donald B. Pryce

Late in October 1923, troops of the German Reichswehr removed the government of Saxony and in the process touched off yet another political crisis in Berlin, one which nearly destroyed the Weimar Republic. This event in Saxony was not unprecedented, for the Reich had used force to remove state (Land) governments in 1919. But while the earlier interventions demonstrated a new republic's determination to enforce order, the intervention in 1923 reflected the weakness and confusion of a political system prematurely aged by five years of dissension and economic collapse. Gustav Stresemann's Great Coalition, in power at the time of the intervention, appeared to some knowledgeable observers, including Stresemann, the last chance to save the republic during the chaos produced by French intrusion into the Ruhr and the collapse of the currency. Talk of a dictatorship was in the air as men, groping for adequate words to measure catastrophe, went about gravely intoning “finis Germaniae.” Although this time both Germany and the republic escaped doom, the Saxon affair destroyed the Great Coalition and later ended Stresemann's career as chancellor. Since the men responsible understood something of the risks involved for the republic, it seems worthwhile to inquire into the way in which the dispute grew between Saxony and the Reich government and into the process by which the Reich reached its decision to intervene.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroko Okuda

Nanzan UniversityThis study examines the way in which Tokyo has exploited the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as a symbolic means of inducing post-war Japanese collective identity. To consider an effort on Tokyo’s part to integrate A-bomb memories into the country’s victim consciousness rather than to overcome the past, the study compares the A-bombed cities written with different Japanese forms, the peace parks, and the peace memorials. It also analyses the news coverage by two national daily papers on the A-bomb memorial days. By doing so, the study shows how the nation has been guided in its memory by the government.


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