Political Action: A Naturalistic Interpretation of the Labor Movement in Relation to the State. By Seba Eldridge. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company.1924. Pp. xviii, 382.)

1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620
Author(s):  
Harry Elmer Barnes
Author(s):  
Joana Dias Pereira

This article main goal is to deepen the understanding both a spatial reality and a historical process – the emergency of industrial areas and workers communities.  It seeks to illustrate, through an empirical and monographic research, several territorial and spatial phenomena related to the germination of intricate social networks in the workers neighborhoods and villages and the rise of the labor movement. It attempts to demonstrate that, if many questions still prevail concerning the relationships between economic structure and political action, it is clear that the origin of the workers mass associations is deeply related with industrialization, urbanization and the sociability framework resulting of both processes.


Author(s):  
Dustin Gamza ◽  
Pauline Jones

What is the relationship between state repression of religion and political mobilization in Muslim-majority states? Does religious repression increase the likelihood that Muslims will support acts of rebellion against the state? This chapter contends that the effect of repression on attitudes toward political mobilization is conditional on both the degree of enforcement and the type of religious practice that is being targeted. When enforcement is high and the repressive regulation being enforced targets communal (rather than individualistic) religious practices, Muslims expect state persecution of their religious community to increase, and that this persecution will extract a much greater toll. They are thus more willing to support taking political action against the state in order to protect their community from this perceived harm. The chapter tests this argument with two novel survey experiments conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. It finds that the degree of enforcement has a significant effect on attitudes toward political mobilization, but this effect is negative (reducing support) rather than positive (increasing support). The chapter also finds that repression targeting communal practices has a stronger effect on attitudes toward political mobilization than repression targeting individualistic practices, but again, these effects are negative. The chapter’s findings suggest that the fear of collective punishment increases as the degree of enforcement increases, particularly when it comes to repression targeting communal practices. Thus, while Muslims are motivated to protect their community from harm, it may be that the certainty of financial and physical harm outweighs the expectation of increasing religious persecution.


Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter explores the contribution of working-class immigrant women—another important but often underestimated group—to the movement. Working-class women touted the vote as a viable solution to wage woes and threatening working conditions. They did not need elite suffragists to empower them; working-class women transferred the speaking and activist skills they had honed in the labor movement to disseminate their suffragist convictions. In addition, many of the women possessed some of the same qualities suffrage leaders valued in their workers; being young and single, they had the freedom to travel the state and the ability to appeal to broad, working-class audiences. They compensated for class tensions by appealing to multi-ethnic voters as Irish, German, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and Italian women joined the suffrage alliance.


Author(s):  
Deborah Thom
Keyword(s):  

Deborah Thom compares two central figures who were organisers of women during the war: Mary Macarthur and Sylvia Pankhurst. The contrast between them shows some of the problems of historical naturalism assuming that either socialist or feminist is a unitary category. Three main contrasts emerge by comparing their wartime agitation – the question of the state, the role of independent women’s organisation and the idea of what is the legitimate sphere of political action for labouring women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 321-323
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

In Wight’s view, ‘Perhaps the most interesting thing about this book is that it does not mention Morgenthau’s colleague at Chicago, Leo Strauss [ … ] Agreed in their concern about the retreat of political science into “the trivial, the formal, the methodological, the purely theoretical, the remotely historical”, they are divided by the gulf of natural law.’ Morgenthau asserted, however, that Wight in his review had made ‘a factual error’. Morgenthau quoted another one of his books, In Defense of the National Interest: ‘There is a profound and neglected truth hidden in Hobbes’s extreme dictum that the state creates morality as well as law and that there is neither morality nor law outside the state. Universal moral principles, such as justice or equality, are capable of guiding political action only to the extent that they have been given concrete content and have been related to political situations by society.’ Morgenthau wrote in criticism of Wight’s review: ‘To say that a truth is “hidden” in an “extreme” dictum can hardly be called an endorsement of the dictum. To call a position “extreme” is not to identify oneself with the position but to disassociate oneself from it. In the quoted passage I was trying to establish the point, in contrast to Hobbes’s, that moral principles are universal and, hence, are not created by the state.’ Wight replied: ‘I am sorry to have misinterpreted Professor Morgenthau, but I rejoice that my error has evoked an authoritative exegesis of a disputed passage.’


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas J. Howe

Regulation of utilities at the state level in the United States is undertaken by a commission on which anywhere from three to seven commissioners sit and must vote on virtually all significant utility actions, including rate requests, resource plans, acquisitions and mergers, and financing mechanisms. Public utility commissions (PUCs) are, in a very real sense, courts with adjudicatory responsibility over the area of state utility laws. In hearing a utility case, they must follow the state’s statutes and court rules. The commissioners function as judges in this court of public utility law. In a majority of states, commissioners are appointed by the state’s governor with the advice and consent of the state legislature. In a significant minority of states, commissioners are elected by popular vote. However, recent changes in US election law have made it easier for corporations and special interest groups, called political action committees, to influence elections through donations targeting direct voter outreach on behalf of specific candidates. This chapter examines what the entry of political spending in PUC elections means, and whether elected commissioners can adjudicate in the public interest, or will adjudicate for special interests. The chapter concludes that while both the appointment and election governance model can produce both “good” and “bad” commissioners, it is the elected commission that is most at risk of selecting commissioners that will not be truly independent and objective arbiters of the law.


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