scholarly journals The Veto Power of the State Governor

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Fairlie

The term “veto” has been traced from the power of the tribune of the plebs in ancient Rome to annul or suspend the acts of other public authorities. From the establishment of the Roman tribune, that official had the right of intercession (intercessio), to cancel any command of a consul which infringed the liberties of a citizen; and this was gradually extended to other administrative acts and even to decrees of the senate. The word veto (I forbid) was at least occasionally used by the tribune in such cases.But historically what is called the veto power of American executives is derived from the legislative power of the British Crown. Until the fifteenth century statutes in England were enacted by the king on his own initiative or in response to petitions. From that time parliament presented bills in place of petitions; and statutes were enacted by the king “by and with the advice and consent of the lords …. and the commons …. and by the authority of the same.” The king's assent was still necessary; and without this assent a bill was not law. For two hundred years the Crown continued to exercise the negative power of declining to accept bills, not by any formal act of disapproval, but by the polite response in old Norman French, “le roy s'avisera.” Since the beginning of the eighteenth century no bill which has passed parliament has failed to receive the royal assent; but the old form of enacting laws is still in use.

Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Klassen

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Butsmak Artem ◽  

In the article considered guarantees of the right on access to ecological information fixed in international legal documents. Also made a research on state of implementation such international instruments in national Ukrainian legislation, separate legal instruments of realization the right to get ecological information. Made examples of successful defence of the broken right on access to ecological information. In order to exercise the right to information, it is important not only to have the norms enshrined in the legislation, but also the system of guarantees and opportunities for their implementation, which should be provided by public authorities. International legal documents establish only general approaches to the protection of rights, and their further development and consolidation is undoubtedly entrusted to national authorities. The analysis of the current national legislation allows to state that in general the international legal norms have found the reflection in national regulatory legal acts. However, over time, approaches to understanding environmental information, expanding its list, the subjects who have the right to receive it, so work in this direction should continue in order to increase the possibility of exercising the right of access to such information. Keywords: ecolaw, right on access to ecological information, guarantees of right on access to ecological information, international guarantees of right on access to ecological information


Gerontologia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-242
Author(s):  
Laura Kalliomaa-Puha

Jokaisella vanhuksella on Suomessa yksilöllinen, viime kädessä perustuslaissa taattu, oikeus riittävään hoivaan ja huolenpitoon. Silti tämä oikeus on usein käytännössä riippuvainen siitä, onko vanhalla ihmisellä omaisia tukenaan. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan sitä, miten oikeus hoivaan ja hoitoon taataan lainsäädännössä. Omaisilla ei lain mukaan ole vastuuta hoivan järjestämisestä, mutta silti lainsäädäntö monessa kohdin ikään kuin olettaa omaisten olevan vanhuksen tukena. Vaikka omaiset usein ovatkin tukena, miten perusoikeus hoivaan ja huolenpitoon toteutuu niillä vanhuksilla, joilla ei ole omaisia? Artikkeli nostaa vakavimpana omaisolettaman riskinä esiin ne vanhukset, joilla on omaisia, mutta joiden omaiset eivät osaa tai halua auttaa. Right to care and presumption of family and friends in the Finnish legislation According to Finnish legislation the public authorities must guarantee adequate social, health and medical services for those old persons who cannot obtain means necessary for a life of dignity. Yet in practice this right to receive indispensable subsistence and care often depends on the fact whether the old person happens to have family or friends to help her or him. As if the legislation supposes there are friends and family to help, even though, according to Finnish law, family members do not have legal responsibility to take care of an elderly person. This article elaborates how the right to care is guaranteed in Finnish legislation and what the law says about the responsibilities of the family. Even though most of the relatives do help their elderlies, how is the right to care fulfilled for those old persons who do not have family? Perhaps the elderlies who have family and friends, which do not help or do not know how to, are in the most vulnerable situation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Кожанчиков ◽  
Oleg Kozhanchikov ◽  
Кожанчикова ◽  
Natalya Kozhanchikova

The patent system of taxation is one of special tax regimes for individual entrepreneurs. The patent system is enforced by laws of subjects of the Russian Federation. The tax code provides certain powers of public authorities of subjects of the Russian Federation on the patent system of taxation, including the right to set the size of the potential possibility to receive annual income and its differentiation according to the established criteria in the tax code. In the Orеl region in the differentiation of the potential possible annual income to receive some criteria are not used, such as vehicle capacity and number of seats in the vehicle. We propose to use these criteria of differentiation in the regional legislation.


1989 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 583-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence E. Klein

In the early eighteenth century, the language of politeness became a major fixture of English discourse. Centring on the term ‘politeness’ and consisting of a vocabulary of key words (such as ‘refinement’, ‘manners’, ‘character’, ‘breeding’, and ‘civility’) and a range of qualifying attributes (‘free’, ‘easy’, ‘natural’, ‘graceful’, and many others), the language was used to make a wide range of objects intelligible. Though the word ‘polite’ had been in the English language from at least the fifteenth century, denoting the state of being polished or neat in quite literal and concrete ways, the term entered on its significant career only in the mid-seventeenth century, when it began to convey the meanings of studied social behaviour of the sort inspired by and associated with princely courts. However, in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, ‘politeness’ grew to cover a range of meanings, considerably freed from the initial association with courts. Several broad categories of usage of the term ‘polite’ are indicative: as a behavioural and moral standard for members of an elite (e.g. ‘polite gentlemen’, ‘polite ladies’, ‘polite society’, ‘polite conversation’); as an aesthetic standard for many kinds of human artifacts and products (e.g. ‘polite arts’, ‘polite towns’, ‘polite learning’, ‘polite buildings’); and as a way of generalizing about and characterizing society and culture (‘polite age’, ‘polite nation’, ‘polite people’). In the latter usage, ‘politeness’ was frequently deployed retrospectively as an attribute of classical civilizations. ‘Politeness’ helped recast the renaissance model of history, in which modernity was separated from its true ancestor, the ancient world, by the vast dark gulf of the middle ages: the ‘politest’ nations were ancient Greece and ancient Rome; the ‘politest’ ages, the spells of Hellenic and Roman creativity.


1946 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 21-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. G. Richardson

SOME apology may seem necessary for a brief paper that covers nearly three centuries, but, unless we take long views, we are unlikely to get into focus the problem before us, namely, the extent to which the commons participated in medieval politics and the manner in which they did so. Bishop Stubbs, you will remember, found this a matter of particular difficulty. The part played by the commons in relation to taxation and legislation seemed plain enough. But political power, the ‘right of general deliberation on all national matters, is too vague in its extent’, he thought, ‘to be capable of being chronologically defined; nor was it really vindicated by the parliament until a much later period than’ the reign of Edward I, with which he was then concerned. Elsewhere, Stubbs seems to have committed himself to the view that the commons took part in politics in the fifteenth century, although the distinction he formerly drew between politics and legislation he no longer maintained. Quite clearly we cannot consistently maintain a distinction between politics and legislation or politics and finance. ‘The right of deliberation on all national matters’, in Stubbs's phrase, may express itself in the acceptance or refusal of legislative or of financial proposals. But if there are certain national matters from the discussion of which one or other of the ‘estates’ is in practice excluded, then it is reasonable to say that, to that extent, they take no part in politics. To suggest an obvious example: the assent of the lower clergy was necessary to the taxation to which they were subjected; they took no part in general legislation; and they certainly did not exercise the right of deliberation on all national matters. Their participation in politics was therefore of the slightest.


1947 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 209-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. McCracken

The Irish house of commons in the eighteenth century was composed of 300 members: two were elected by each of the 32 counties; two by 117 boroughs; and two by Trinity College, Dublin. Only protestants were returned, for by an English act of 1691 all members of the Irish house of commons were required to take oaths of allegiance and supremacy. Catholics could still exercise the franchise until 1727, but an act of that year deprived them of the right to vote. The dissenters were equally excluded: a clause in an act of 1704 requiring all office-holders to receive communion according to the usage of the established church excluded them from the corporations and indirectly from the house of commons. Even the minority that remained was very inadequately represented.In the counties the leading landlords were able to influence the return of members, and many of the Irish boroughs were quite as rotten as any in England prior to 1832. Bannow in co. Wexford, for example, was a mountain of sea-sand without a single inhabited house; at Clonmines in the same county there was one solitary house; at Harristown in co. Kildare there was none. A traveller in Ireland in 1755 found Naas ‘a shabby looking place’; Castle Dermot ‘a very poor town’; Callen ‘a poor dirty town, interspersed with the numerous ruins of old castles and religious houses’; Rathcormac ‘a poor borough’; and Kilmallock ‘a spacious street, composed of houses, which, though magnificent, were windowless and roofless’. The conclusion he came to was: ‘Happy would it be for Ireland, if her corporate towns were divested of the privilege of returning representatives to the great council of the nation; for it becomes the selfish policy of the lord of the soil to impoverish the voters into compliance’.


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josip Pavić

Skradin is a town on the right bank of the Krka river, about 15 km upstream from Šibenik. Located deep in the hinterland, with good road connections, and a luxury of natural resources nearby, it’s no wonder that urban life flourished here since the Iron Age. But being below surrounding hills, this trading centre could never be successfully defended from a prolonged siege. This is why, throughout medieval times, Skradin was usually regarded as a less important neighbour of flourishing Šibenik. Various Croatian noble families, and occasionally the Venetians, ruled the town in fifteenth century. Conquered by the Ottomans in winter of 1521-22, Skradin soon again became an important trading point, the southernmost town in Krka sancak. It was reclaimed by Venetians temporarily from 1647 to 1670, and permanently from 1683. Today, due to the thorough destruction by the Venetian army, the earliest buildings in Skradin date to eighteenth century. The one exception is Turina, a small late medieval fort above the town. Recently branded as a fortress of Šubić family –the powerful magnates from late thirteenth century–, Turina was long considered to be Skradin’s main defensive point even in the Ottoman era. However, several archival sources suggested the existence of another fort, located on a much more favourable position. This theory was finally confirmed by surveying the nearby Gradina hill in the autumn of 2018.


2019 ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Filip Zygmunt Wichrowski

The subject of this article is the right to petitions specified in Article 17 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. This provision regulates the individual’s right to address requests and complaints to public authorities. This publication contains an analysis of this institution with regard to entities that are entitled to exercise this right, as well as entities obliged to consider submitted petitions. The author begins the analysis of the indicated institution be reviewing the evolution of the historical right to petition, which has evolved from the institution of supplication known in ancient Rome. He indicates changes in the subjective scope of the right to petitions, focusing on the achievements of German constitu- tionalism in the 19th century. Next, the current regulation that guarantees the right to petition in Germany in its normative environment is presented. The public authorities that are the addressees of the petition have been analysed, and the scope of duties associated with receiving a complaint or request indicated. Furthermore the author describes particular types of entities that are guaranteed the right to submit petitions under the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. In this respect, various kinds of restrictions of this right, depending on the type of the petitioner, are identified. The last part of the work contains the characteristics of various forms of petitions due to the type of author and the addressee. Various functions which currently are fulfilled by the institution of petitions were subjected to analysis. In this context, a distinction was made between individual petitions and collective petitions, tak- ing into account their subject matter and the aims intended by the petitioner. The author also shows the future possibility of a development of the discussed institution, describing the public petition to the Bundestag, which has an electronic form.


2001 ◽  
Vol 40 (04) ◽  
pp. 107-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Roßmüller ◽  
S. Alalp ◽  
S. Fischer ◽  
S. Dresel ◽  
K. Hahn ◽  
...  

SummaryFor assessment of differential renal function (PF) by means of static renal scintigraphy with Tc-99m-dimer-captosuccinic acid (DMSA) the calculation of the geometric mean of counts from the anterior and posterior view is recommended. Aim of this retrospective study was to find out, if the anterior view is necessary to receive an accurate differential renal function by calculating the geometric mean compared to calculating PF using the counts of the posterior view only. Methods: 164 DMSA-scans of 151 children (86 f, 65 m) aged 16 d to 16 a (4.7 ± 3.9 a) were reviewed. The scans were performed using a dual head gamma camera (Picker Prism 2000 XP, low energy ultra high resolution collimator, matrix 256 x 256,300 kcts/view, Zoom: 1.6-2.0). Background corrected values from both kidneys anterior and posterior were obtained. Using region of interest technique PF was calculated using the counts of the dorsal view and compared with the calculated geometric mean [SQR(Ctsdors x Ctsventr]. Results: The differential function of the right kidney was significantly less when compared to the calculation of the geometric mean (p<0.01). The mean difference between the PFgeom and the PFdors was 1.5 ± 1.4%. A difference > 5% (5.0-9.5%) was obtained in only 6/164 scans (3.7%). Three of 6 patients presented with an underestimated PFdors due to dystopic kidneys on the left side in 2 patients and on the right side in one patient. The other 3 patients with a difference >5% did not show any renal abnormality. Conclusion: The calculation of the PF from the posterior view only will give an underestimated value of the right kidney compared to the calculation of the geometric mean. This effect is not relevant for the calculation of the differntial renal function in orthotopic kidneys, so that in these cases the anterior view is not necesssary. However, geometric mean calculation to obtain reliable values for differential renal function should be applied in cases with an obvious anatomical abnormality.


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