scholarly journals The Czech Nobility's Use of the Right of Patronage on Behalf of the Hussite Reform Movement

Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Klassen

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.

2021 ◽  
pp. 280-281
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

In this note Wight provided a brief survey of institutions for the conquest and cession of territories, illustrated by examples in European history since the fifteenth century. Some legal and political forms concealed de facto conquest and cession to spare the amour propre of the losing party and thereby minimize its humiliation. In some cases, enfeoffment combined conquest with continuing vassal status. Other methods of saving face and bargaining over status included granting an imperial vicariate, diplomatically evading the issue, camouflaging the cession, and making the cession conditional. Conquest and cession became more direct and undisguised with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, if not earlier. Since the eighteenth century, however, the consent of the residents of the territory to be ceded has become a more prominent issue. Since 1919 disregard for previous approaches to conquest and cession has led to new political and legal frameworks on recognition involving national policies such as the Stimson Doctrine, international treaties such as the Kellogg–Briand Pact, and international organizations such as the League of Nations and the United Nations.


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Fairlie

The term “veto” has been traced from the power of the tribune of the plebs in ancient Rome to annul or suspend the acts of other public authorities. From the establishment of the Roman tribune, that official had the right of intercession (intercessio), to cancel any command of a consul which infringed the liberties of a citizen; and this was gradually extended to other administrative acts and even to decrees of the senate. The word veto (I forbid) was at least occasionally used by the tribune in such cases.But historically what is called the veto power of American executives is derived from the legislative power of the British Crown. Until the fifteenth century statutes in England were enacted by the king on his own initiative or in response to petitions. From that time parliament presented bills in place of petitions; and statutes were enacted by the king “by and with the advice and consent of the lords …. and the commons …. and by the authority of the same.” The king's assent was still necessary; and without this assent a bill was not law. For two hundred years the Crown continued to exercise the negative power of declining to accept bills, not by any formal act of disapproval, but by the polite response in old Norman French, “le roy s'avisera.” Since the beginning of the eighteenth century no bill which has passed parliament has failed to receive the royal assent; but the old form of enacting laws is still in use.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-111
Author(s):  
Ahmed Ali Salem

As the Muslim world searches for the right formula for reform, scholarsand intellectuals are invited to study Islamic reform movements and theconditions that made their successes possible. In this context, Najd beforethe Salafi Reform Movement is a timely contribution to the literature onsocial conditions of reform in Muslim societies. The author correctly notesthat pre-Salafi Najd (central Arabia) was neither a center of religious learningnor the site of large urban communities, which might be expected toproduce a reform movement of a size and significance of the Salafi movement.Nevertheless, the Salafi movement managed to establish a strongstate that unified Arabia and imposed peace and order on its people for thefirst time since the period of the early caliphs (pp. 1-2).This book, originally a Ph.D. dissertation, seeks to solve this puzzle.A six-page bibliography and a thirteen-page index are suffixed, along withseveral maps and tables, and both the Hijri and the Gregorian calendars areused to mark the general time periods. This book is particularly useful forstudents of history, sociology, anthropology, or genealogy in an earlymoderncontext, such as that of Najd between the mid-ninth/fifteenth andmid-twelfth/eighteenth centuries. The author argues that nomadic migrationand settlement; the growth of a sedentary population, as well asmigration and resettlement; and the growth of religious learning combinedto create a new Najdi society that produced the Salafi reform movement(p. 2). Each of these factors is addressed in one chapter.The first chapter, “The Geographical and Ecological Background,”demonstrates how Najd’s geographical setting and climatic conditions(viz., a desert region with an unpredictable climate) dictated its people’shard lifestyle and activities. For example, a persistant drought could turn asettlement, a region, or even the entire emirate into a wasteland (pp. 36-37).The second chapter, “An Historical Background,” surveys Najd’s inhabitantsat the rise of Islam and follows its demographic and political developmentsthroughout the first 9 centuries of the Islamic era. On the eve ofIslam, Najd was populous and prosperous; however, by the third/ninth ...


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josip Pavić

Skradin is a town on the right bank of the Krka river, about 15 km upstream from Šibenik. Located deep in the hinterland, with good road connections, and a luxury of natural resources nearby, it’s no wonder that urban life flourished here since the Iron Age. But being below surrounding hills, this trading centre could never be successfully defended from a prolonged siege. This is why, throughout medieval times, Skradin was usually regarded as a less important neighbour of flourishing Šibenik. Various Croatian noble families, and occasionally the Venetians, ruled the town in fifteenth century. Conquered by the Ottomans in winter of 1521-22, Skradin soon again became an important trading point, the southernmost town in Krka sancak. It was reclaimed by Venetians temporarily from 1647 to 1670, and permanently from 1683. Today, due to the thorough destruction by the Venetian army, the earliest buildings in Skradin date to eighteenth century. The one exception is Turina, a small late medieval fort above the town. Recently branded as a fortress of Šubić family –the powerful magnates from late thirteenth century–, Turina was long considered to be Skradin’s main defensive point even in the Ottoman era. However, several archival sources suggested the existence of another fort, located on a much more favourable position. This theory was finally confirmed by surveying the nearby Gradina hill in the autumn of 2018.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Nikola Jakšić

The article analyses a silver altarpiece in Kotor Cathedral which was made in the repoussé technique in the mid-fifteenth century. The figure of St. Tryphon (fig. 11) is the only saint which had been preserved from an earlier, fourteenth century altarpiece. Two figures (Christ and St. Peter; fig. 2, 3) were made by master John of Basel, active in Kotor until 1440 when he moved to nearby Dubrovnik where he was commissioned, by the Franciscans, with a silver crucifix, still preserved. The figures of three saints (fig. 6, 8), in the right part of the middle row (fig. 5), distinguish themselves from the others with their visual quality and are the work of a master who trained in a more developed artistic centre. A more numerous group of figures, the author of the article attributes to a local goldsmith called Marin Adamov (fig. 5, 9, 10). His work on the altarpiece is directly testified with a document dated in 1445. Finally, the altar piece was dismantled and re-assembled in the seventeenth century when the Venetian master goldsmithVenturin added the figures (of a mediocre quality) of St. Francis and St. Jerome (fig. 13). The author of the paper proposes a reconstruction of the original appearance of the altarpiece in the mid-fifteenth century. Accordingly,saints’ figures were arranged in two rows, with Christ figure in the centre of the upper row. The lower centre figure was St. Tryphon, flanked by St. Marc the Evangelist and St. Simeon the Righteous whose Kotor feast coincides with that of St. Tryphon.


2021 ◽  
pp. 219-224
Author(s):  
Benedict Wiedemann

Papal overlordship of rulers continued to have importance in the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and even up to the eighteenth century. Papal authority, papal lordship, was always most useful as a tool; as a tool to legitimize the conquest of the New World in the fifteenth century; as a tool to legitimize the conquest of the Canary Islands in the fourteenth century. Throughout this book, the recurring theme has been that petitioners—especially kings—got the most out of papal lordship because, through such lordship, they were able to instrumentalize and weaponize papal authority. The relationships between popes and kings were built and constructed mutually, not imposed by an over-mighty papal monarchy.


1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Assad N. Busool

Reform movements are important religious phenomena which haveoccurred throughout Islamic history. Medieval times saw theappearance of religious reformers, such as al-Ghazali, Ibn Taimiyah,Ibn Qayim al-Jawziyah and others; however, these reform activitiesdiffered significantly from the modern reform movement. The medievalreformers worked within Muslim society; it was not necessary to dealwith the external challenge presented by Europe as it was for themodern Muslim reformers after the world of Islam lost its independenceand fell under European rule. The powers of Europe believed that Islamwas the only force that impeded them in their quest for world dominanceand, relying on the strength of their physical presence in Muslimcountries, tried to convince the Muslim peoples tgat Islam was ahindrance to their progress and development.Another problem, no less serious than the first, faced by the modernMuslim reformers was the shocking ignorance of the Muslim peoples oftheir religion and their history. For more than four centuries,scholarship in all areas had been in an unabated state of decline. Thosereligious studies which were produced veered far from the spirit ofIslam, and they were so blurred and burdened with myths and legends,that they served only to confuse the masses.The ‘Ulama were worst of all: strictly rejecting change, they still hadthe mentality of their medieval forebearers against whom al-Ghazali,Ibn Taimiyah and others had fought. Hundreds of years behind thetimes, their central concern was tuqlid (the imitation of that which hadpreceeded them through the ages). For centuries, no one had dared toquestion this heritage or point out the religious innovations it impaired.In conjunction with their questioning of the tuqlid, the modernreformers strove to revive the concept of ijtihad (indmendentjudgement) in religious matters, an idea which had been disallowedsince the tenth century. The first to raiseanew the banner of $tihad inthe Arab Muslim world was Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani; after himSheikh Muhammad ‘Abduh in Egypt, and after him, his friend and ...


Author(s):  
Steven N. Dworkin

This short anthology contains extracts from three Castilian prose texts, one from the second half of the thirteenth century (General estoria IV of Alfonso X the Wise), one from the first half of the fourteenth century (El conde Lucanor of don Juan Manuel), and one from near the mid-point of the fifteenth century (Atalaya de las corónicas of Alfonso Martínez de Toledo, Arcipreste de Talavera). These passages illustrate in context many of the phonological, orthographic, morphological, syntactic, and lexical features of medieval Hispano-Romance described in the body of this book. A linguistic commentary discussing relevant forms and constructions, as well as the meaning of lexical items no longer used or employed with different meanings in modern Spanish, with cross references to the appropriate sections in the five main chapters, accompanies each selection.


Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Katalin Szende

Abstract This article revisits the origins of small towns in medieval Hungary from the perspective of their owners and seigneurs. The fourteenth-century development of small towns on the estates of private landowners resulted from the coincidence of several factors. Among these, the article considers the intersection of royal and private interests. The aristocrats’ concern to endow their estate centres with privileges or attract new settlers to their lands was dependent on royal approval; likewise, the right to hold annual fairs had to be granted by the kings, and one had to be a loyal retainer to be worthy of these grants. The royal model of supporting the mendicant orders, which were gaining ground in Hungary from the thirteenth century onwards, added a further dimension to the overlords’ development strategies. This shows that royal influence, directly or indirectly, had a major impact on the development of towns on private lands in the Angevin period (1301–87).


1991 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Beattie

My subject is the story of the entry of lawyers into the English criminal courts and their impact on trial procedure. Until the eighteenth century lawyers played little part in the trial of felonies in England—in the trial, that is, of those accused of the most serious offenses, including murder, rape, arson, robbery, and virtually all forms of theft. Indeed, the defendants in such cases were prohibited at common law from engaging lawyers to act for them in court. In the case of less-serious crimes—misdemeanors—defendants were allowed counsel; and those accused of high treason, the most serious offense of all, were granted the right to make their defense by counsel in 1696. But not in felony. Accused felons might seek a lawyer's advice on points of law, but if they wanted to question the prosecution evidence or to put forward a defense, they had to do that on their own behalf. The victim of a felony (who most often acted as the prosecutor in a system that depended fundamentally on private prosecution) was free to hire a lawyer to manage the presentation of his or her case. But in fact few did so. The judges were generally the only participants in felony trials with professional training. They dominated the courtroom and orchestrated the brief confrontation between the victim and the accused that was at the heart of the trial.


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