Cincinnati

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-387
Author(s):  
S. Gale Lowrie
Keyword(s):  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Large Measure ◽  
The Real ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Real Test ◽  
New System

The charter group was again successful in the November elections in Cincinnati and retained the six seats won in the first contest, while the Republican organization lost one seat to an Independent candidate. Seven of the nine councilmen were reёlected to office. The victory of the charter ticket was due in large measure to public approval of the unusual accomplishments of the last two years, and in part to the political sagacity of the leaders throughout the series of campaigns. The election of 1924, which resulted in the adoption of the council-manager form of government with a council chosen by proportional representation, and the election of two years ago which “kept the charter in the hands of its friends,” have been described in the pages of this journal. It was appreciated that the real test of the reform movement would come at the election of 1927 when the charter party would be on the defensive. This test has now been met.Cincinnati was fortunate in the character of the men who composed the first council under the new system. They employed a manager with administrative ability, a charm of manner which quickly ingratiated him with the people, and a personality which complemented the personal qualities of the councilmen themselves. These men elected by the people did not refuse leadership, and the mayor especially has become a dominant force in the community. The combination of Mayor Seasongood and Manager Sherrill is an unusual one. The former is a leader of reform; the latter, the man to carry out the policies which the representatives determine upon. Consequently, the manager himself never became a campaign issue. Both groups pledged him support. As the mayor said of him, “He personifies the people's own desire for good government.”

The Ethics of Brutus and Cassius

1997 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 41-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Sedley
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Joint Decision ◽  
The Real ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The World

Among that select band of philosophers who have managed to change the world, and not just to interpret it, it would be hard to find a pair with a higher public profile than Brutus and Cassius — brothers-in-law, fellow-assassins, and Shakespearian heroes. Yet curiously little is understood of the connection, if any, between the fact that they were philosophers and their joint decision to form the conspiracy against Caesar. It may not even be widely known that they were philosophers.What work has been done on this question has been focused on Cassius' Epicureanism, thanks above all to a famous review published by Momigliano in 1941 which included a seminal survey of the evidence for politicized Epicureans. I shall myself have less to say on that topic than on the richer, and less explored, evidence for Brutus. For the present, we may note that at the time of the assassination, March 44 B.C., Cassius had been an Epicurean for just three or four years; that he had already prior to that been actively engaged in philosophy; but that his previous allegiance is unknown. His conversion to Epicureanism seems to have been timed to reflect his decision in 48 B.C. to withdraw from the republican struggle and to acquiesce in Caesar's rule, expressing his hopes for peace and his revulsion from civil bloodshed. This sounds in tune with a familiar Epicurean policy: minimal political involvement, along with approval of any form of government that provides peaceful conditions. We may, therefore, plausibly link Cassius' withdrawal to his new-found Epicureanism. In which case it becomes less likely that his subsequent resumption of the political initiative in fomenting conspiracy against Caesar was itself dictated purely by his Epicureanism. Yet he did remain an Epicurean to the end.6 At its weakest then, the question which we must address might simply be how, when he became convinced that Caesar must be eliminated, he managed to reconcile that decision with his Epicureanism. I shall have a suggestion to make about Cassius' Epicurean justification, but it will emerge incidentally during the examination of the evidence for Brutus, who is the real hero of this paper.

Geography and Foreign Policy, I

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Spykman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Simultaneous Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
The People ◽  
Geographic Factor ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Human Destiny

“La politique de toutes les puissances est dans leur géographie,” conceded the man whose famous retort, “Circonstances? Moi, je fais les circonstances,” indicates his contempt for any agency but the human will as the arbiter of human destiny. But since the Red Sea parted for Moses and the sun obligingly paused for Joshua, the human will has been unable to recapture the control over topography and climate exhibited by those forceful gentlemen, and it is probably safe to say that it was by Russian geography rather than by men that the diminutive Corsican was finally defeated. If he is still living, there is at Waterloo even today a loyal guide who asserts with unshakable conviction that neither genius nor skill but a swampy ditch gave that victory to Wellington.Unfortunately for the political scientist with a fondness for simplification, but fortunately for the statesman striving to overcome the geographic handicaps of his country, neither does the entire foreign policy of a country lie in geography, nor does any part of that policy lie entirely in geography. The factors that condition the policy of states are many; they are permanent and temporary, obvious and hidden; they include, apart from the geographic factor, population density, the economic structure of the country, the ethnic composition of the people, the form of government, and the complexes and pet prejudices of foreign ministers; and it is their simultaneous action and interaction that create the complex phenomenon known as “foreign policy.”

scholarly journals Insurgency in Nigeria: The Real Test of Nationhood

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Zachariah Apamshan ◽  
Norafidah Ismail ◽  
Knocks Tapiwa Zengeni
Keyword(s):  
Niger Delta ◽  
Research Work ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
The Real ◽  
Institutional Failure ◽  
Root Cause ◽  
Niger Delta Region ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Uncertainties ◽  
Real Test

<em>The Boko Haram and the Niger Delta militancy today remain unarguably the greatest security threats to the corporate existence of the Nigerian state and her development. At the root of these insurgencies are socio-economic, ethno-political and religious challenges which are actually bye-products of a dysfunctional system. This research work examines the issues and challenges as it relates to the real test of Nigeria’s nationhood. The research work made use of content analysis through the use of books, newspapers, journal publications and available sources from the internet library. This is to give a deeper understanding of the issues that surround insurgency in Nigeria with a view of proffering solutions. The findings of this research work revealed that, lack of employment and equal opportunities especially for the youths of the minority tribes who make up the people of the Niger Delta region are seen as the root cause of agitations.  Also, the findings disclosed poor and ineffective governance as responsible for the increased social and political uncertainties, rigidity and institutional failure. Issues such as religion, ethnicity, and regional sentiments were the real problems behind the violent conflict in Nigeria.</em>

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Lee
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Northern Italy ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
The Real ◽  
Dominant Discourse ◽  
Natural Connection ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Ideal

Although the humanists greeted the revival of imperial aspirations in Northern Italy with unvarnished enthusiasm, their conception of Empire has been treated rather dismissively in scholarly literature. In most surveys of political thought, it has simply been ignored. But even where it has been acknowledged, it has been portrayed either as a digression from a dominant discourse of communal liberty, or as a flight of nostalgic whimsy divorced from the ‘real’ spirit of humanism. Challenging the assumptions on which such attitudes have been based, this chapter demonstrates that the political life of the regnum Italicum cannot be described solely in terms of the conflict between communes and signori; that the ideal of liberty was not tied to any one form of government; and that there was no ‘natural’ connection between humanism and republicanism. In doing so, it provides the rationale for, and the methodology employed in, this study.

Problems of Communist Rule in Czechoslovakia

1951 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-129
Author(s):  
Paul E. Zinner
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Real ◽  
The People ◽  
State Of Mind ◽  
Fait Accompli ◽  
Elected Leaders ◽  
Total Burden

In February 1948 few people in Czechoslovakia could size up the full implications of the Communist coup. The bulk of non-Communist public opinion was, to say the least, bewildered by the rapidity of events and confused about the real issues involved. Its attitude reflected this state of mind. The political parties to which it traditionally owed allegiance collapsed overnight. Their duly elected leaders were immediately muzzled. President Benes, on whom in the final analysis the total burden of stopping the Communist onslaught rested, and from whom the nation would normally expect its cue, gave none, unless his passive acceptance of the fait accompli with which he was presented were to be construed as a sign for the people to do likewise.

Federalism to Centralism in Mexico: The Conservative Case for Change, 1834-1835

1988 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael P. Costeloe
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Fundamental Change ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Federal Laws ◽  
New System ◽  
Federal Form

In the summer of 1835 Mexico chose to abandon the federal form of government instituted a decade earlier in 1824 and to replace it with a centralized republic. The dismantling of federal laws and institutions and the enactment of those designed to replace them occupied the next eighteen months until on December 30, 1836 the process of change to the new system culminated in the publication of a new constitution, the so-called Constitutión de las Siete Leyes. This fundamental change in the political structure of the nation was not achieved without considerable dissent and the protracted transitional period permitted many groups who opposed the new order of things to air their views and in some cases, notably in Zacatecas and Texas, to attempt military resistance. The supporters of centralism found themselves, therefore, obliged to make and justify their case for change and to convince themselves as well as their opponents that their proposals represented the popular will. It is with this centralist case for change, or manifesto, that this article is primarily concerned.

scholarly journals This Is Not Reality (Ceci n'est pas la réalité): Capturing the Imagination of the People Creativity, the Chinese Subaltern, and Documentary Storytelling

2022 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Voci
Keyword(s):  
Digital Media ◽  
Virtual Space ◽  
The Political ◽  
Documentary Films ◽  
The Real ◽  
The People ◽  
Personal Approach ◽  
Documentary Filmmaking ◽  
Creative Subject

How has documentary(re)presented subaltern creativity? Focusing on post-socialist, globalizing China, I examine documentary narratives by and about the creative subaltern originating from Chinese &ldquo;cool cities&rdquo; and expanding in the virtual space of global digital media. In these narratives, the creative subaltern has appeared obliquely, tangential to other narratives, subordinate to internationally recognized artists, or with a more central role, as the author or the protagonist of documentary films. I analyze these narratives&rsquo; entanglement with elitist definitions of creativity, the representation of subaltern reality, the expression of subjectivity, and the tension between the political and the personal. I argue that documentary has played an important albeit ambiguous role&mdash;provocative and empowering, but also, at times, formulaic and constricting&mdash;in shaping the discourse on the subaltern as a creative subject, by amplifying creativity&rsquo;s indexicality to the real and obfuscating its imaginative quality and its ambition of breaking free from the real. Reflecting on the contemporary relevance of the Free Cinema movement&rsquo;s advocacy for a subjective, personal approach to capturing the &ldquo;imagination of the people&rdquo; and exploration of lyric realism in documentary filmmaking, I propose that documentary can and should dare to &ldquo;make poetry.&rdquo; Forms of documentary expressivity such as poetic, not plot-driven narratives can reconcile imagination with reality and offer alternative, more appropriate means of capturing the complexity, heterogeneity, and contradictoriness of the subaltern condition, and for subaltern creativity to be expressed, appreciated, and affirmed.

scholarly journals Is Democracy Possible Without a Restriction of the Suffrage?

Studia Humana ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Alfano
Keyword(s):  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Democratic Practice ◽  
The People ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Right

Abstract Today, the concept of democracy seems inextricably linked with that of universal suffrage. But is it true? To let that anyone with a given age has the right to vote is a very good democratic practice, or would prefer to question the criteria for access to this right, perhaps to develop new systems? The current crisis of democracy in the Western world is symptomatic of a detriment of the political consciousness of the people? And yet it is very likely to be admissible and that only from the mass, the large numbers, rises the better choices? In this paper I try to answer these questions, drawing from personal opinions and thoughts, which I hope will inspire questions and curiosity in those who, like me, believes that any system is always perfectible, and that its aim should be to that perfection, without fear of asking uncomfortable questions. Personally, in fact, I can accept democracy as “the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried”, to quote a famous statement by Winston Churchill. But not for that I give up, and I try other ways. Ways that are more satisfying, more fair and keep us away from the horrors that only an angry mob can do.

Where the Real People Meet the Real Elite

Populism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Schoor
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Real ◽  
The People ◽  
Real People ◽  
Political Speeches

Abstract This article clarifies how elitist elements are integrated into populist discourse by analyzing political speeches using this incongruent style. First, it introduces a method to identify populist, elitist, and pluralist discourse based on a shared logic, defining populism at an intercontextual level. Second, speeches by Donald Trump (US), Boris Johnson (UK), and Thierry Baudet (NL) are analyzed in their contexts to clarify their political styles and are then compared to see where these styles meet. The populism-elitism mix goes well with nationalism, as all three politicians combine the style with a nationalist ideology, which unites the people with the elite. Coalitions are created between the people and the “good” elite to fight the “bad” elite. Furthermore, the mix has rhetorical-strategic advantages, such as profiling oneself as unique on the political field. Overall, the blend shows political significance, justifying thoughtful academic consideration alongside the broad attention for full populism.

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