Where the Real People Meet the Real Elite

Populism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Schoor

Abstract This article clarifies how elitist elements are integrated into populist discourse by analyzing political speeches using this incongruent style. First, it introduces a method to identify populist, elitist, and pluralist discourse based on a shared logic, defining populism at an intercontextual level. Second, speeches by Donald Trump (US), Boris Johnson (UK), and Thierry Baudet (NL) are analyzed in their contexts to clarify their political styles and are then compared to see where these styles meet. The populism-elitism mix goes well with nationalism, as all three politicians combine the style with a nationalist ideology, which unites the people with the elite. Coalitions are created between the people and the “good” elite to fight the “bad” elite. Furthermore, the mix has rhetorical-strategic advantages, such as profiling oneself as unique on the political field. Overall, the blend shows political significance, justifying thoughtful academic consideration alongside the broad attention for full populism.

2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Eric Millard

Résumé: Cet article discute la utilisation du nom peuple dans les discours politiques et dans les textes normatifs, mise en question à quel point dans l'imaginaire collectif des démocraties occidentales (au moins) et dans la construction de cet imaginaire par le droit, le fonctionnement du droit, la légitimité de l'autorité politique, et l'idée de peuple sont liés. Réfléchie sûr la question de la mise en exergue du peuple transcende maintes oppositions idéologiques, et s’accommode de toutes les justifications, même les plus inacceptables. Dit que le peuple ne signifie rien de réel. Nommer qu'il existe un peuple, et déduire que l'Etat dont la constitution nomme est l'Etat d'un peuple, c'est fondre les différences réelles dans un collectif unitaire, et c'est ainsi nier toutes différences. Il y a dans le recours au peuple une dimension holistique qui participe efficacement de ce juridisme formel.Resumo: O presente artigo discute a utilização do nome do povo nos discursos políticos e textos normativos pondo em questão a que ponto no imaginário coletivo das democracias ocidentais e na construção desse imaginário pelo direito, o funcionamento do direito, a legitimidade da autoridade política e a ideia de povo estão ligadas. Reflete sobre o fato de que a colocação em evidência do povo transcende várias oposições ideológicas e se adapta a todas as justificações, mesmo as mais inaceitáveis. Afirma que povo em realidade não diz nada. Conclui que nomear um povo e deduzir que o Estado cuja constituição nomina é o Estado de um povo, é fundir as diferenças reais num coletivo unitário e negar as diferenças. Há no recurso ao povo uma dimensão holística que participa eficazmente do juridicísmo formal.Abstract: This article discusses the use of people’s name in political speeches and normative texts, calling into question to what extent in the collective imaginary of western democracies and in the construction of this imaginary by law, the functioning of law, the legitimacy of political authority and the idea of people are all linked. It reflects on the fact that the evidence of people transcends various ideological oppositions and adapts to all justifications, even the most unnaceptable ones. It also affirms that people do not really say anything. In the end, it concludes that to name some people and to deduce that the State which the constitution nominates as the state of the people, is to merge the real differences into a unitary collective and deny the differences. In the use of the people, there is a holistic dimension that effectively participates in formal juridicism. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xixi Wang

The object of patriotism education is the people, who are the creators of the spirit of patriotism and constantly add new connotations to it. Historical activities are the activities of the masses, with the deepening of historical activities, it will be the expansion of the masses. Patriotism education is an important part of ideological and political education activities, and it is the stage that cannot be crossed to realize the real community.


Leadership ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 174271502110183
Author(s):  
Valerie Stead ◽  
Carole Elliott ◽  
Rita A Gardiner

The rise of populist leaders in the political sphere mounts a challenge to normative understandings of leadership. To better understand this challenge, we examine how political leaders mobilize different forms of social capital in pursuit of leadership legitimacy, providing insight into the dynamics of how leadership norms are maintained. While research has tended to focus on specific forms of capital, this article considers capital as multidimensional and strategically mobilized. The article applies a multimodal analysis to examine interactions between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton during peak ‘Twitter Moments’ of the three 2016 presidential election debates. We theorize the paradoxical dynamics of the mobilization of multiple capitals and their intersection as a simultaneously disruptive and reproductive resource. While the mobilization of multiple capitals operates to disrupt traditional notions of who can claim legitimacy as a leader in the political field, their disruptive mobilization serves to reproduce implicit heteronormative leadership values. Hence, our theorization illuminates the resilience of implicit leadership values, and their intimate connection with heteronormativity, calling for the need to interrogate leadership legitimacy claims that promise ‘new’ approaches.


1951 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-129
Author(s):  
Paul E. Zinner

In February 1948 few people in Czechoslovakia could size up the full implications of the Communist coup. The bulk of non-Communist public opinion was, to say the least, bewildered by the rapidity of events and confused about the real issues involved. Its attitude reflected this state of mind. The political parties to which it traditionally owed allegiance collapsed overnight. Their duly elected leaders were immediately muzzled. President Benes, on whom in the final analysis the total burden of stopping the Communist onslaught rested, and from whom the nation would normally expect its cue, gave none, unless his passive acceptance of the fait accompli with which he was presented were to be construed as a sign for the people to do likewise.


2017 ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Evgeny Astakhov

In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Ralph McLean

The pamphlet war which surrounded the debates of the proposed Union between Scotland and England in 1707 has frequently been dismissed as a mere sideshow to the main events that took place in the Scottish Parliament. Until recently, the accepted viewpoint was that as only the landed elites possessed the vote, it was only they who could decide the political destiny of the country – the wider populace was largely an irrelevancy. However, the political speeches of the Scotsman, John Hamilton, Lord Belhaven, and the response to those speeches, by English man of letters, Daniel Defoe, suggests that the poetry and prose generated by these intense debates had a purpose to speak directly to the people, and to galvanise them for a cause, despite their lack of a direct political voice. This article investigates the importance of Belhaven's speeches in an attempt to understand why they had so much resonance with the general public, and the extent to which his opponents attempted to contain his appeal to the people.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-387
Author(s):  
S. Gale Lowrie

The charter group was again successful in the November elections in Cincinnati and retained the six seats won in the first contest, while the Republican organization lost one seat to an Independent candidate. Seven of the nine councilmen were reёlected to office. The victory of the charter ticket was due in large measure to public approval of the unusual accomplishments of the last two years, and in part to the political sagacity of the leaders throughout the series of campaigns. The election of 1924, which resulted in the adoption of the council-manager form of government with a council chosen by proportional representation, and the election of two years ago which “kept the charter in the hands of its friends,” have been described in the pages of this journal. It was appreciated that the real test of the reform movement would come at the election of 1927 when the charter party would be on the defensive. This test has now been met.Cincinnati was fortunate in the character of the men who composed the first council under the new system. They employed a manager with administrative ability, a charm of manner which quickly ingratiated him with the people, and a personality which complemented the personal qualities of the councilmen themselves. These men elected by the people did not refuse leadership, and the mayor especially has become a dominant force in the community. The combination of Mayor Seasongood and Manager Sherrill is an unusual one. The former is a leader of reform; the latter, the man to carry out the policies which the representatives determine upon. Consequently, the manager himself never became a campaign issue. Both groups pledged him support. As the mayor said of him, “He personifies the people's own desire for good government.”


Author(s):  
Georg Löfflmann

The discursive domain of (in)security is integral to nationalist populism, as documented in the political rhetoric of Donald Trump. This article combines insights from political psychology on blame attribution with scholarship in International Relations on security narratives to show how the reframing of national identity through a populist security imaginary elevated internal ‘enemies of the people’ to an ontological status of equal, or even superior standing to that of external threats to national security. Portraying internal and external Others as equally existential threats endangering the ‘real’ United States informed both foreign policy choices and mobilised voters through an affective persuasion of audiences, actively dividing society for political gain. Populist appeals to resentment, fear, and anxiety constituted a shared affective space between Trump and his followers that provided a source of mutual ontological reassurance and the legitimation of America First measures from immigration restrictions to trade protectionism and a Jacksonian foreign policy.


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