Problems of Communist Rule in Czechoslovakia

1951 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-129
Author(s):  
Paul E. Zinner

In February 1948 few people in Czechoslovakia could size up the full implications of the Communist coup. The bulk of non-Communist public opinion was, to say the least, bewildered by the rapidity of events and confused about the real issues involved. Its attitude reflected this state of mind. The political parties to which it traditionally owed allegiance collapsed overnight. Their duly elected leaders were immediately muzzled. President Benes, on whom in the final analysis the total burden of stopping the Communist onslaught rested, and from whom the nation would normally expect its cue, gave none, unless his passive acceptance of the fait accompli with which he was presented were to be construed as a sign for the people to do likewise.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq Musleh ◽  
Mahmoud Ismail ◽  
Dala Mahmoud

The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter considers the relevant provisions of Art. 21 of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to political parties. Art. 21 GG does not define the term ‘political party’ and provides only a description of its function, which is ‘to participate in the formation of the political will of the people’. There are two conceptions of political party in the literature: the model of the ‘party state’ and the model of ‘party competition’. Political parties display the elements described in both models. The chapter first examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning the definition of ‘party’ before discussing the constitutional freedom to found and organise parties, prohibition of parties, competition between political parties and equality of opportunity among parties, and party financing (private financing and state financing).


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.


Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.


Author(s):  
Joan Oliver Araujo

Este trabajo analiza la «barrera electoral» o «cláusula de exclusión» establecida por ley para las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados (el tres por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción). Tras estudiar el alcance y efectividad real de esta barrera, así como las consecuencias de incluir los «votos en blanco» dentro de los «votos válidos», nos preguntamos sobre los motivos que justificaron (durante la Transición Política) y siguen justificando (en la actualidad) la aplicación de una barrera electoral «casi» ineficaz. Por último, analizamos las tres propuestas de reforma de dicha cláusula (para que deje de tener carácter ornamental y pase a tener eficacia excluyente): primera, elevar la barrera del tres al cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción; segunda, mantener la barrera en el tres por ciento, pero realizando el cómputo sobre los votos emitidos en todo el Estado; y tercera, la suma de las dos medidas anteriores, esto es, situar la barrera en el cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en todo el Estado (aunque con cláusulas específicas para los partidos políticos que limitan su actuación a una Comunidad Autónoma concreta).This paper analyzes the «electoral barrier» or «exclusion clause» established by law for the elections to the Lower House (three percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency). After studying the real scope and effectiveness of this barrier, as well as the consequences of considering «blank votes» as «valid votes», we wonder about the reasons that justified (during the Political Transition) and (currently) still justify the application of an «almost» inefficient electoral barrier. Finally, we analyze the three reform proposals for this clause (so that it is no longer ornamental and becomes discriminatory): first, to raise the barrier from three to five percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency; second, to maintain the barrier at three percent, but by counting votes cast throughout the State; and third, the combination of the two previous measures, that is, to set the barrier at five percent of the valid votes cast throughout the State (although with specific clauses for political parties that limit their performance to a specific autonomous region).


Author(s):  
Aleksander Vilkov ◽  
◽  
Nikolaj Shestov ◽  
Andrei Abramov ◽  

Introduction. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent the “social state” concept, brought to the fore of domestic political, social, and economic agendas by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is able to satisfy the demand of the mass political consciousness in Russia for the image of the country’s future. Methods and materials. To solve this problem, a wide range of general scholarly and specific political science approaches and methods were used. The conclusions are based on the results of opinion polls conducted by the largest social surveys research organizations of Russia (i.e. “Russian Public Opinion Research Center”, “Levada-Center”, and “Public Opinion Foundation”), analysis of the programs of political parties, speeches of Russian politicians, as well as on the observation over the Russian political process. Analysis. The views of citizens on the prospects for the development of relations between the state and society in Russia are analyzed in relation to the political projects of leading Russian political actors; the prospects of key projects of the existing political, social, and economic system optimization in the context of their compliance with the needs of various social groups in modern Russia are considered; estimation of social risks of their implementation is given. Results. An inference is made that formation of a socially desired image of the future of Russia requires a significant adjustment of the main Russian political actors’ activities. Domestic political parties need a renewal of their leadership and relevant institutional and ideological reformatting; the highest bodies of state power need to adjust the political course – first of all, it is necessary to establish control over the use of natural resources, introduce a differentiated taxation system, and stimulate production. The lack of a clear response from government bodies and party structures to society’s requests for a just, socially responsible state creates risks for the stability of the domestic social and political system, and can be used by destructive political forces to implement the scenario of a “colour revolution” in Russia.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2017 ◽  
pp. 252-273
Author(s):  
Syed Ali Shah Et al.,

Democracy, as defined by Lincoln, is “government of the people by the people, and for the people” (1). Political parties around the globe function under the same ideology. On the contrary, the true democratic process is not fully observed within these parties. Though this observation is applicable globally to nearly all political parties in one way or another, in Pakistan, similar to other third world countries, the political parties have growing scarcity of the democratic culture. If party elections and voting are held to some extent, it is taken merely as a ritual or legal binding only. As a practice, one finds an authoritarian approach, hegemony, oligarchy and limited freedom of decision-making provided to members of parties.


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