Why Peasants Rebel: The Case of Peru's Sendero Luminoso

1984 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

In this article I shall examine the origins of a major rural revolutionary movement, Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path). An extremist Maoist organization, Sendero has gained considerable peasant support in Peru's southern highlands, especially in the Ayacucho area. Although peasant unrest has been endemic in Peru, the scope and intensity of the current movement are unprecedented. Never before has a Peruvian guerrilla group ranged over such a wide part of the country, and never before has such a group threatened the order of daily life in the capital.

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-107
Author(s):  
Sebastián Calderón Bentin

Peru approached the twenty-first century a polarized country. In the year 2000, with increased authoritarian control over the legislative and judicial branches along with constitutional reforms paving the way for his re-reelection, President Alberto Fujimori campaigned for a third term in office. His main electoral opponent, Alejandro Toledo, along with opposition leaders, spearheaded massive demonstrations in Lima accusing the government of repression, corruption, drug trafficking, and electoral fraud. Opposition figures were joined by grassroots social movements, unions, students, and human rights activists who opposed the regime's repressive and corrupt practices, which included by now reports of torture and extrajudicial killings. When Fujimori first became president a decade earlier he had inherited a country ravaged by widespread poverty, hyperinflation, nearly depleted foreign reserves, a growing narcotics trade, and two armed terrorist groups: the MRTA (Tupac Amarú Revolutionary Movement) and the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). Both were on the offensive across the country, the Shining Path most prominently, planting car bombs in the capital, kidnapping and killing civilians, and besieging towns and villages across the country. Looking for a way out of economic and terrorist violence, Peruvians were faced with two options in 1990: Alberto Fujimori, an ex-university president and agricultural engineer of Japanese descent, and Mario Vargas Llosa, a white, upper-middle-class novelist and liberal intellectual. Though Fujimori was less well-known, many Peruvians saw Vargas Llosa's center-right coalition as a repackaged version of the same traditional political groups that had lead the country into crisis. Fujimori would appear much like Hugo Chávez later in Venezuela, a populist outsider ready to challenge the traditional party system. Many saw Fujimori's succinct rhetoric as refreshing when contrasted with Vargas Llosa's elaborate speeches, especially since the former president, Alan García, who fled the country in 1992 on corruption charges, was also well-known for his loquacious disposition.


Author(s):  
Marta Romero Delgado ◽  
Concepción Fernández Villanueva

<p>En las dos últimas décadas del pasado siglo se formaron y desaparecieron movimientos armados en la sociedad peruana, popularmente llamados “guerrillas”. Dichos grupos se enfrentaron al Estado provocando una fuerte oleada de violencia política. La participación femenina en todo el proceso fue muy amplia e inesperada. Tras una investigación cualitativa en la que se entrevistó a mujeres de los dos grupos armados más importantes, Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL) y Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA), presentamos las razones sociales e identitarias que condujeron a las mujeres a su implicación en esta expresión de violencia política, así como la problemática de fractura y reconstrucción identitaria que se vieron obligadas a realizar y la evaluación de sus experiencias.</p><p>In the last two decades of the last century there have been formed and eliminated armed movements in the Peruvian society, popularly called guerrillas. Those groups confronted the State causing waves of political violence. In these groups, the women's participation was very wide and unexpected. After a qualitative research based on interviews of women from the most important armed groups (Shining Path and Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement), we present the identity and social factors that led to their involvement in this expression of political violence, as well as the problematic of identity fracture and reconstruction they needed to carry out, and the evaluation of their experiences.<br /><br /></p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Eugenia Ulfe ◽  
Vera Lucía Ríos

Memory museums exist as markers in the public domain; meanings and practices are created around them and assigned uses and silences. The Museum of the National Directorate against Terrorism in Peru displays artworks and archives seized from members of the Shining Path Communist Party of Peru and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and can be visited only with a special permit. The memories it contains are considered “toxic” and are exhibited in a private instead of a public space. This space cannot be understood as a “museum of conscience” or a “site of memory.” Victims are not dignified there, and no symbolic reparations are made. It houses memories in the form of artwork, books, and memorabilia of those who because of their participation in the armed groups during the conflict have been denied the status of victims as defined in the country’s reparations program. Los museos de la memoria funcionan como marcadores simbólicos en el ámbito público; se construyen significados y prácticas alrededor de ellos y se les asignan usos y silencios. El Museo del Directorio Nacional en Contra del Terrorismo en el Perú muestra el trabajo artístico y los archivos incautados a los miembros del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso y del Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru. El museo sólo puede visitarse con un permiso especial. Los objetos que se exhiben son considerados “tóxicos” y se exhiben en un espacio privado en vez de un espacio público. Este espacio no se puede entender como un “museo de la conciencia” o un “lugar de la memoria.” Aquí las víctimas no son dignificadas, y tampoco reciben reparaciones simbólicas. El museo alberga memorias o recuerdos (libros, dibujos, recuerdos personales) de aquéllos a quienes se les ha negado la condición de víctimas, tal como está definida en el programa de reparaciones del país, debido a su participación en los grupos armados durante el conflicto.


1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orin Starn

AbstractThis article examines the history and ideology of the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). The rebels claim to embody a distinctively Peruvian Marxism. However, a close examination of the party betrays a conspicuous indifference to Peruvian culture and traditions. The distinctiveness of this largest and most diverse of the Andean nations disappears in the orthodoxy of a universal Marxism, in this respect placing the Shining Path within the long legacy of the imperial inscription of Latin American history into the preconceived categories and linear narratives of Western philosophy and science.


2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-600
Author(s):  
Dino Carlos Caro Coria

AbstractThe internal conflict in Peru that ranged from 1980 to the mid 90s entailed serious crimes committed by armed groups, especially "Sendero Luminoso" (Shining Path) and by the state's own armed forces, in particular the military and paramilitary groups such as the "Colina Group". These crimes ranged from attacks against civilians in violation of international humanitarian law, to enforced disappearances of persons, torture, and extrajudicial executions. In some cases, these crimes have even qualified as genocide.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valérie Robin Azevedo

In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict (1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which permeate the social fabric?


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