Vietnamese Kinship: Structural Principles and the Socialist Transformation in Northern Vietnam

1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hy van Luong

In the literature on the process of socioeconomic transformation, a major debate centers on the questions of how and how much indigenous traditions, including kinship structures, are transformed by the larger political economic framework (Sahlins 1985, Hobsbawm 1983, Wolf 1982). Marxist theoretical analyses tend to emphasize the eventual demise of gender inequality and male-oriented (patrilineal, patrilocal, and patriarchical) kinship systems—kinship systems within which gender relations are also embedded (cf. Engels 1972). The analytical literature on Vietnamese kinship and gender in the socialist era is certainly not an exception in this regard. It is pervaded with general propositions regarding the nuclearization of the family (Houtart and Lemercinier 1981, Werner 1981) and the political-economy-based transformation of the system toward a structure of egalitarian gender relations (e.g., Lê thḷ Nhâm-Tuyêt 1973).

Author(s):  
Liazzat J. K. Bonate ◽  
Jonna Katto

Mozambique is divided into matrilineal north and patrilineal south, while the central part of the country has a mixture of the two. Both types of kinship organization have important implications for the situation of women. Women in matrilineal societies could access land and political and decision-making power. They had their own property and their children belonged to their matrikin. In patrilineal societies, women depended on their husbands and their kin groups in order to access farmland. Children and property belonged to the husband’s clan. During the colonial period (c. 1890–1975), women’s position in Mozambique was affected by the Indigenato regime (1917–1961). The native African population (classified as indígenas) were denied the rights of Portuguese citizenship and placed under the jurisdiction of local “traditional habits and customs” administered by the appointed chiefs. Despite the fact that Portuguese citizenship was extended to all independent of creed and race by the 1961 Overseas Administrative Reform, most rural African areas remained within the Indigenato regime until the end of colonialism in 1974. Portuguese colonialism adopted an assimilationist and “civilizing” stance and tried to domesticate African women and impose a patriarchal Christian model of family and gender relations. Women were active in the independence struggle and liberation war (1964–1974), contributing greatly to ending colonialism in Mozambique. In 1973, Frelimo launched a nationwide women’s organization, Organização da Mulher Moçambicana (Organization of Mozambican Women, OMM). Although women were encouraged to work for wages in the first decade after independence, they remained largely limited to the subsistence economy, especially in rural areas. The OMM upheld the party line describing women as “natural” caregivers. Only with the political and economic liberalizations of the 1990s were many women able to access new opportunities. The merging of various women’s organizations working in the country during this period helped to consolidate decades-long efforts to expand women’s political and legal rights in independent Mozambique. In the early 2000s, these efforts led to the reform of the family law, which was crucial for the improvement of women’s rights and conditions in Mozambique.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-117
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet

This book examines the “plight” of women and gender relations in an attemptto give voice to an excluded and marginalized group in the closed and conservativesociety of Saudi Arabia (pp. 1, 2). Al-Rashid problematizes the“woman question,” designating it as both a state and a social problem that defiesconsensus regarding its causes and solutions, where giving voice becomesthe first step toward reclaiming denied rights. She contextualizes her study bylooking at the historical roots and “interconnection between gender, politics,and religion that shapes and perpetuates the persistent exclusion of Saudiwomen” (p. 3). By so doing, Al-Rashid essentially depicts the roots of this“extreme form of gender inequality” as structural and related to the complexrelationship between the Saudi state and the Wahhabi religious establishment.This relationship, which takes the form of religious nationalism, provided fora narrow definition and interpretation of just who was entitled to belong to the pious community. Narrow interpretations of rituals and jurisprudence, aswell as how gender relations are to be conducted or acquire validity, both createdand exacerbated the social and religious boundaries within Saudi societyand between it and other Muslim cultural interpretations ...


2020 ◽  
pp. 50-93
Author(s):  
Amrita Chhachhi

This article explores the convergence and contradictions between the two hegemonic projects of neoliberalism and Hindutva and the reinforcement/reconstruction of patriarchal gender relations in relation to welfare. Analysis of some key social policies and specific legal interventions show the fusion of the two in the construction of the family/nation/gender related to population regulation, governance of populations, the forging of a paternal contract, the move from welfare to financialization and the undermining of labour rights through regulatory and disciplinary labour codes. The convergence of neoliberalism and Hindutva results in a shift from rights-based entitlements to further commodification and digital financialization and the creation of a hindutvatised neoliberal subjectivity. Keywords: Neoliberal authoritarianism, Hindutva, Welfare, Gender, Labour


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-124
Author(s):  
C.J. Pascoe

Raewyn Connell’s theorizing in The Men and the Boys shaped my analysis of young men’s engagements with masculinity, and my thinking about gender inequality more generally. The claims about relationships between global inequalities and gender relations in that text shifted my focus away from types of boys—gay boys, straight boys, nerdy boys, popular boys—to a focus on gender relations among boys themselves, processes by which boys both robbed others of precious indicators of masculinity and attempted to claim said indicators for themselves. This shift highlights the centrality of interaction, practice, and institutions to gender inequality among American teenagers. The essay concludes by discussing how Connell’s focus on global inequalities provided a foundation from which to argue that many of the same gendered dynamics we see among American teenagers—what I came to call masculinity contests—are also deeply woven into political discourses and practices.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

This chapter explains who the Kenneys were, provides biographical detail about the family and the individual sisters, and sets out the political, economic, social, and cultural context in which they grew up. It shows that, despite the rhetoric of sisterhood which often characterizes feminist politics, friendship rather than family has been central to suffrage studies, and argues that the family needs to be given greater consideration. It also explains the place of class in suffrage historiography and the relationship between the women’s and labour movements as a way into understanding the relative lack of work on suffrage militants. The chapter sets out the source material which forms the basis for this study, explains the thematic biographical approach, and summarizes the chapters which follow.


Author(s):  
Dmitry E. Martynov ◽  
◽  
Yulia A. Martynova ◽  

Readers are invited to the first Russian translation of extracts from the first chap­ter of the sixth part Datong shu(“The Book of the Great Unity”) by Kang Youwei (1858–1927). Kang Youwei proposed an original project for the radical liberation of humanity, in which the traditional mechanisms of family, marriage and gender inequality and coercion will be eliminated, and the state will take care of each person at every stage of his life. Kang Youwei adhered to the view that the main goal of a person's life is to achieve a state of happiness and satisfy all emerging needs. Congenital hedonism is in conflict with the need to reproduce. According to Kang Youwei, the institution of the family was created in ancient times and is the product of violence and suppression. In the future, free partnership will be re­lieved of the burdens of raising and educating future generations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-124
Author(s):  
C.J. Pascoe

Raewyn Connell’s theorizing in The Men and the Boys shaped my analysis of young men’s engagements with masculinity, and my thinking about gender inequality more generally. The claims about relationships between global inequalities and gender relations in that text shifted my focus away from types of boys—gay boys, straight boys, nerdy boys, popular boys—to a focus on gender relations among boys themselves, processes by which boys both robbed others of precious indicators of masculinity and attempted to claim said indicators for themselves. This shift highlights the centrality of interaction, practice, and institutions to gender inequality among American teenagers. The essay concludes by discussing how Connell’s focus on global inequalities provided a foundation from which to argue that many of the same gendered dynamics we see among American teenagers—what I came to call masculinity contests—are also deeply woven into political discourses and practices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 582-590
Author(s):  
Natalia Flores Garrido

Three different approaches to understand the relationship between precarity and gender relations are presented: feminization of precarity, doing gender in a precarious context, and an intersectional analysis of precarity. After briefly characterizing them, the author offers some reflections of what each theoretical approach can offer to the political struggle against precarity.


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