The Treaty of Tlatelolco and the United States: A Latin American Nuclear Free Zone

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davis R. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Free Zone ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
The Many ◽  
Sunday Evening

On Sunday evening of March 31, 1968, millions of Americans watched President Lyndon Johnson announce a major bombing halt in the hostilities in Viet-Nam and his intention not to seek re-election as President. At the same time a reception was being held in the United States Ambassador’s official residence in Mexico City in honor of Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who took leave from the many guests to listen to the President’s address.

Applying the Devil's Works in a Holy Cause: Working-Class Popular Culture and the Salvation Army in the United States, 1879-1900

1997 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-223
Author(s):  
Lillian Taiz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Salvation Army ◽  
Public Meeting ◽  
The Many ◽  
Sunday Evening

Forty-eight hours after they landed in New York City in 1880, a small contingent of the Salvation Army held their first public meeting at the infamous Harry Hill's Variety Theater. The enterprising Hill, alerted to the group's arrival from Britain by newspaper reports, contacted their leader, Commissioner George Scott Railton, and offered to pay the group to “do a turn” for “an hour or two on … Sunday evening.” In nineteenth-century New York City, Harry Hill's was one of the best known concert saloons, and reformers considered him “among the disreputable classes” of that city. His saloon, they said, was “nothing more than one of the many gates to hell.”

Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism

1991 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Roger Rouse
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Space ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Migration ◽  
Single Word ◽  
The Social ◽  
Made In

In a hidden sweatshop in downtown Los Angeles, Asian and Latino migrants produce automobile parts for a factory in Detroit. As the parts leave the production line, they are stamped “Made in Brazil.” In a small village in the heart of Mexico, a young woman at her father’s wake wears a black T-shirt sent to her by a brother in the United States. The shirt bears a legend that some of the mourners understand but she does not. It reads, “Let’s Have Fun Tonight!” And on the Tijuana-San Diego border, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, a writer originally from Mexico City, reflects on the time he has spent in what he calls “the gap between two worlds”: “Today, eight years after my departure, when they ask me for my nationality or ethnic identity, I cannot answer with a single word, for my ‘identity’ now possesses multiple repertoires: I am Mexican but I am also Chicano and Latin American. On the border they call me ‘chilango’ or ‘mexiquillo’; in the capital, ‘pocho’ or ‘norteno,’ and in Spain ‘sudaca.’… My companion Emily is Anglo-Italian but she speaks Spanish with an Argentinian accent. Together we wander through the ruined Babel that is our American postmodemity.”

Since the Beginning

2019 ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Mary Johnson ◽  
Mary L. Gautier ◽  
Patricia Wittberg ◽  
Thu T. Do
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Origin ◽  
United States Today ◽  
Religious Institutes ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Many ◽  
Frequent Accompaniment

This chapter traces Catholic international sisters in the history of the United States, from the eighteenth century to the present time. The chapter discusses the primarily European origin of many sisters and religious institutes in the first three centuries of sisters’ immigration, and the Asian, African, and Latin American origin of international sisters’ migration to the United States today. It describes the invitations from some bishops and priests in the United States to some religious institutes, and the sisters’ frequent accompaniment of co-ethnics in this country. It discusses the many educational and healthcare institutions the sisters built in this country, and the ministries they also conducted.

The Tlatelolco regime and nonproliferation in Latin America

1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Redick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Careful Consideration ◽  
Free Zone ◽  
Legal Traditions ◽  
American States ◽  
Latin American Region ◽  
Latin American Countries

The regime established by the Treaty of Tlatelolco is supportive of peace and security in the Latin American region and global nonproliferation efforts. Circumstances leading to the creation of the nuclear-weapon-free zone include careful preparations and negotiations, individual leadership, existence of certain shared cultural and legal traditions of Latin American countries, and the temporary stimulus of the Cuban missile crisis. Lack of overt superpower pressure on Latin America, compared with more turbulent regions, has permitted continued progress toward full realization of the zone. Tlatelolco's negotiating process, as well as the substance of the Treaty, deserve careful consideration relative to other areas.The Treaty enjoys wide international approval, but full support by certain Latin American States (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba) has been negatively affected by the failure of the U.S. Senate to ratify Tlatelolco's Protocol I. Nuclear programs of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico are expanding rapidly and these nations are forming linkages with West European countries, rather than the United States. The May 1980 Argentine-Brazilian nuclear agreement foresees significant cooperation between the two nation's nuclear energy commissions and more coordinated resistance to the nuclear supplier countries. Argentine-Brazilian nuclear convergence—and the response accorded to it by the United States will have significant implications for the future of the Tlatelolco regime and nonproliferation in Latin America.

GRAPPA Educational Initiatives: A report from the GRAPPA 2012 Annual Meeting

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (8) ◽  
pp. 1457-1458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Mease
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Medical Education ◽  
Psoriatic Arthritis ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Initiatives ◽  
New Findings ◽  
Regional Conference

A key mission of the Group for Research and Assessment of Psoriasis and Psoriatic Arthritis (GRAPPA) is to provide education about psoriasis and psoriatic arthritis (PsA) to clinicians. Among the global educational initiatives in 2012, GRAPPA worked collaboratively with several Latin American medical societies to organize a meeting of rheumatologists and dermatoligists in Buenos Aires; a second meeting is planned for Mexico City in September 2013. GRAPPA members also collaborated with the Spondyloarthritis Research and Therapy Network to conduct a series of continuing medical education symposia throughout the United States to update rheumatologists about new findings in PsA and spondyloarthritis. Finally, GRAPPA faculty presented a teaching module on PsA at an Asian regional conference in Singapore. Summaries of these activities are presented here.

scholarly journals The results of Donald Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and the prospects for US–Cuban relations under Joseph Biden

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
M. A.-M. Kodzoev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
Main Task ◽  
White House ◽  
American States ◽  
To Come ◽  
Almost All

After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.

Mexicans in the United States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Grant Wood
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Immigrant Workers ◽  
World Power ◽  
United States Today ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Many ◽  
The U.S

This chapter relays in broad terms the long history of European American settlement and subsequent Latin American migration—particularly undertaken by Mexicans—to the U.S. Heartland. It gives particular attention to the capitalist-led development during the second half of the nineteenth century as the United States sought to build itself into not only a formidable industrial power but also a world power. It traces the vital role that immigrant workers—and specifically Mexican laborers—have played in this process despite their often being treated as second-class citizens. An appreciation of this history provides one with a clear sense of the neocolonial aspirations of U.S. enterprise—both governmental and commercial—as well as the many contradictory and timeworn Anglo rationalizations that exploit Mexican workers in the United States today.

Off to a bad start: John Adams’s tussle over titles

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C Alexander
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
John Adams ◽  
The Press ◽  
First Session

From the first days, of the first session, of the first Congress of the United States, the Senate was consumed by an issue that would do immense and lasting political harm to the sitting vice president, John Adams. The issue was a seemingly unimportant one: titles. Adams had strong opinions on what constituted a proper title for important officers of government and, either because he was unconcerned or unaware of the damage it would cause, placed himself in the middle of the brewing dispute. Adams hoped the president would be referred to as, “His highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of the Rights of the Same.” The suggestion enraged many, amused some, and was supported by few. He lost the fight over titles and made fast enemies with several of the Senators he was constitutionally obligated to preside over. Adams was savaged in the press, derided in the Senate and denounced by one of his oldest and closest friends. Not simply an isolated incident of political tone-deafness, this event set the stage for the campaign against Adams as a monarchist and provided further proof of his being woefully out of touch.

Consular Protection and Solidarity across Borders

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
Migrant Populations ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Large Populations ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
Working Together

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.

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