The Function of ‘China’ in Marx, Lenin, and Mao, Basic Tactics, Peking and People's Wars: An Analysis of Statements of Official Spokesmen of the Chinese Communist Party on the Subject of Revolutionary Strategy. With Appendixes Containing Statements by Lin Piao, Minister of Defense, and Lo Jui-ching, Chief, General Staff Department, People's Liberation Army and Foundations of Maoism

1967 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-799
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Shillinglaw
1962 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 161-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Guillermaz

August 1, 1927, is one of the big days in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It marked the opening of a military phase which was to last more than twenty years and was to leave a deep mark on the Party and the present régime both in their outlook and their structure. Symbolically, it is the birthday of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the Chinese Red Army, and it is as such that it is celebrated every year. It would perhaps be worthwhile after thirty-five years to make an accurate assessment of this event and first to place it in the political context of the time.


1987 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 591-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alastair I. Johnston

In October 1983 the secretary-general of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Hu Yaobang, formally announced the beginning of a two-stage, three-year Party rectification. The first stage, from November 1983 to around December 1984, would concentrate on the rectification of Party committees (dangwei) and leading offices at the Centre and in the provinces, major municipalities and autonomous regions. The second stage, from early 1985 to the end of 1986, would focus on rectification of Party organizations below provincial level. In fact, however, rectification was not officially ended until May 1987.


1975 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 61-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregor Benton

The subject of this article is the development of the second united front in China between 1935 and 1938, and in particular the difference between the Comintern and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on this question. In the first part of the period these differences revealed themselves in the Comintern's criticisms of the CCP's slow rate of progress towards rapprochement with the Kuomintang (KMT). As progress towards the united front gathered speed, they more and more came to centre on how far the alliance should go and the status of the communist areas and armies in relation to the central power of the KMT. Eventually the Maoist interpretation emerged successful from this contest between the two centres, and Wang Ming, chief Chinese spokesman for the Comintern, was elbowed away from the levers of power in the Party.


2007 ◽  
Vol 106 (701) ◽  
pp. 243-251
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Dickson

Does the Chinese Communist Party derive enough legitimacy from economic growth? Can a party-state survive by co-opting some potential challengers while repressing others? So far, the CCP has answered these questions in the affirmative. Yet the debate goes on. This year, as the party's Seventeenth Congress prepares to unveil a new Politburo (same as the old Politburo?), we asked four scholars to offer their latest thinking on the subject.


1996 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-1005
Author(s):  
Lyman P. Van Slyke

Communist sources record that between 20 August and 5 December 1940, the Eighth Route Army (8RA) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) fought 1,824 large and small engagements with Japanese and puppet troops from the plains of Hebei to the mountains of Shanxi. These engagements are known collectively as ‘the Battle of the Hundred Regiments’ and they are the subject of this essay.


1988 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 29-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Garver

The role of the Comintern in the formation of the second Chinese Communist Party-Kuomintang (CCP-KMT) united front has long been the subject of debate. Scholars have long recognized that an understanding of Moscow's role during the pivotal year and a half prior to the Xian Incident, and especially of possible conflict between the Comintern and Mao Zedong over the issue of a united front with Chiang Kai-shek, was essential to an evaluation of subsequent CCP-Soviet relations. This article is a contribution to our understanding of this important problem.


1994 ◽  
Vol 138 ◽  
pp. 492-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick S. Litten

The arrest in Shanghai of Hilaire Noulens and his “wife” (their real names were Yakov Rudnik and Tatyana Moiseenko, see below), members of the Communist International's (Comintern) apparat in East Asia, the seizure of a cache of documents concerning the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the subsequent trial of the Noulens by the Chinese authorities, and the interest taken in the case by numerous Communist-led organizations and fellow-travelling intellectuals was a cause célèbre in the early 1930s, in the foreign community in China as well as in Europe and North America. Despite having been compared to the notorious Sacco-Vanzetti case, and having been nearly as spectacular and important as the 1927 raid on the Soviet Embassy in Peking, the Noulens Affair as a whole has not been the subject of any reliable study.


Author(s):  
Gordon Y. M. Chan

AbstractResearch on the subject of Chinese communism has long been marred by the “spotlight approach”, which, as Kathleen Hartford rightly criticises, “illuminates key actors and events, but leaves in the shadow the action transpiring in the corners of the historical stage”. Assuming that only a few great names and signal events bear relevance to its development, such an approach often produces simplified pictures of the Chinese communist revolution. During the last decade or so, however, an increasing number of historians have begun to take seriously the great complexities and diversities involved in this revolutionary movement. Using newly available communist Party sources, they have ventured to excavate forgotten or even deliberately ignored episodes in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In so doing, they have not only expanded the scope of enquiry in Chinese communism but also provided new evidence for testing old interpretive structures. This article joins that trend by presenting the little-known story of the Communist struggle in rural areas of the Guangdong province from 1928 to 1936.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document