Market access issues in EC-US relations: trading partners or trading blows?

1992 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-535
Author(s):  
Finn Laursen
2002 ◽  
Vol 41 (4I) ◽  
pp. 357-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noriyuki Suzuki ◽  
Sabur Ghayur

“The greatest tragedy is to treat the unequal as equal”, says Aristotle. In a different perspective, similar concerns have found an echo centuries later—” the free play of market forces between unequal trading partners would only punish poorer commodity exporters at the same time as it brings advantages to the rich industrial countries”.1 New modalities of participation for developing countries in the trading system were suggested decades ago to attack the persistent trade imbalance and to create essential external conditions for accelerating the rate of economic growth. These included: (1) guaranteeing price stabilisation and improving market access for primary exports; (2) allowing greater policy space to develop local industries and reducing barriers to their exports; (3) establishing more appropriate terms of accession to the multilateral system, and (4) reducing the burden of debt-servicing. The developments as unfolded over the years, and more so since 1990s, are found as largely drifting away from these assertions of yester years. Market access to the agricultural products still has to materialise. Greater policy space to developing countries almost stands abandoned. Debt burden of the developing poor countries, the HIPC initiative notwithstanding, remains at volatile level.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1850041 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arpita Mukherjee

The Doha Round of GATS negotiations is on-going. In this context, this paper argues that developing countries such as India have created niche for themselves in particular services exports and, therefore, should actively participate in the negotiations to remove barriers in sectors/modes of their trade interest. It identified various strategies for negotiations for developing countries, such as formation of coalition on particular issues/sectors/modes with like-minded trading partners and offering binding commitments in Mode 3 in return for greater market access in Modes 1 and 4. The commitments of developing countries should take into account the inter-sectoral and intermodal linkages. Lastly, the paper stresses on the need for complementary domestic reforms which would enable developing countries to gain from multilateral liberalization.


Author(s):  
S. S. DMITRIEV

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy,  characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade  according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory  institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the  existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries,  manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident.  Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into  concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is  concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic  market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant  reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral  arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious  downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other  international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on  dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the  term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States  will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the  propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or  permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of  “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return  to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump  government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into  account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number  of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain  circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade  conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government's vision of a “Global Britain” relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries' choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (03) ◽  
pp. 2050014
Author(s):  
SABA ISMAIL ◽  
SHAHID AHMED

The trade relations between India and China have been intensified since 2001. The aim of this paper is to examine the effects of tariff reduction by India and China on bilateral imports in light and heavy manufacturing sectors. The results are evaluated in terms of welfare, output, employment and the potential trade flows between India and China in CGE framework using the GTAP-model. GTAP database version 10, covering 141 countries/regions and 65 sectors, with a base year of 2014, have been used. Overall results show that India and China’s trade relation has improved in last two decades, but still there is a lot of untapped potential to bring the welfare gains for both trading partners. This study concludes that deeper integration by tariff reduction on imports of light manufacturing and heavy manufacturing sectors between India and China may not be welfare enhancing for India, however there are substantial welfare gain for China. The study suggests that a well calculated and strategically negotiated tariff reduction in light and heavy manufacturing sectors may create a win–win situation for both partners. The study argues that China should offer a preferential market access to India for mutually beneficial and welfare enhancing engagements for both countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652110015
Author(s):  
Emile van Ommeren ◽  
Arlo Poletti ◽  
Dirk De Bièvre

The European Commission keeps track of foreign trade barriers through its Market Access Strategy. In this study, we examine some of the key political-economic conditions under which the European Union decides whether and how to address these trade issues. Drawing on an original dataset of (allegedly) illegal foreign trade barriers faced by European Union businesses, we show that industries dominated by a few large companies are more successful in gaining the support of the Commission to challenge these foreign trade barriers. Moreover, we find that the European Commission’s strategy depends on the economic power relationship with the trading partner: the European Union privileges negotiations when seeking to enforce international trade rules against economically weaker states, while it prefers to use litigation against stronger trading partners.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 861-879
Author(s):  
Edson Roberto Vieira ◽  
◽  
Daniel Henrique Alves Reis ◽  

The objective of this study is to analyze the determinants of Brazilian exports by levels of technological intensity in the period 2000-2015. Gravity models were estimated for total of the exports and for each type of exports by levels of technological intensity, using the PPML-estimator. The study indicates that there is a process of concentration of Brazilian exports in low technology and medium-low technology products, at the same period in which China's share of total Brazilian shipments abroad grew. Estimates of empirical gravity models have shown that the income and size of the consumer market of Brazil’s trading partners seem to have the greatest positive influence on the Brazilian exports. Indications of this study are that the Brazil should continue to diversify its trading partners to minimize the impacts of a possible reduction of the economic growth of large trading partners (such as China and the US) on its exports and increase its exports of products with greater technological intensity. The results also highlight the need for Brazil to make greater efforts to increase its competitiveness in the international market to reduce the negative impacts of transport costs on the final prices of products exported by the country.


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