Here's Looking at Me: Sofonisba Anguissola and the Problem of the Woman Artist*

1994 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 556-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary D. Garrard

An Unusual Portrait by Sofonisba Anguissola has gained new prominence from its illustration in color in a recent publication. In her Women, Art, and Society (1990), Whitney Chadwick claims of the portrait in question, Bernardino Campi Painting Sofonisba Anguissola (fig. 1), that in presenting herself in the guise of a portrait being painted by her teacher, Anguissola produced “the first historical example of the woman artist consciously collapsing the subject-object position.” Chadwick's succinct observation opens up the possibility of understanding the painting in a new way, for she points to the peculiar conflation of subject and object that uniquely befell women artists in the Renaissance and complicates their art, especially their self-portraits. From this starting point, I will here explore the form of self-presentation offered by Anguissola in the Siena portrait and several other works in the context of what was a fundamental problem for the Renaissance female artist: the differentiation of herself as artist (the subject position) from her self as trope and theme for the male artist (the object position).

Rhema ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 70-89
Author(s):  
Alexander В. Letuchiy

In the article, I describe cases of special behavior of Russian phrases with quantifiers like neskol’ko ‘some’, mnogo ‘many, much’ and small numerals like dva ‘two’. I show that they can occur in the subject position in contexts that usually do not contain a canonical DP/NP subject (constructions with the verb xvatat’ ‘be enough’, negation contexts with the verb byt’ ‘be’ and its habitual / iterative correlate byvat’), and for neskol’ko-like quantifiers, the direct object position with intransi- tive predicates like na-...-sja circumfixed verbs is also available. The reason of non- canonical subject behavior is the possibility to be subjects without controlling plural verbal agreement, while the non-canonical direct object behavior is possible because neskol’ko-like quantifiers lack the category of case.


Author(s):  
Ana Clara Polakof

Even though the interpretation of Free Choice Items such as any has been on debate for more than 50 years (Vendler, 1974, Dayal, 1998, Horn, 2000, etc.), it is relatively more recent in Spanish (Menéndez-Benito, 2005, Giannakidou and Quer, 2013, among others). Some have analyzed it as a universal quantifier, neither taking its free choiceness into account nor contexts which seem to be problematic for the universal account (see, for instance, Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2011). In this article, we defend that cualquier is a universal indeterminate pronoun which involves freedom of choice (as in the original proposal by Vendler, 1974). We will take into account data (taken from https://www.corpusdelespanol.org/web-dial) which has not been properly considered. We will analyze the interaction of negation and cualquier in Rioplantese Spanish in the subject position of negative generic statements, in the object position in negative episodic statements, and in a non argumental position. We will combine an alternative semantics approach to the analysis of the FCI cualquier, inspired in Menéndez-Benito (2010) and Aloni (2019), with a syntactic approach to negation inspired in Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria (2011).  


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 981
Author(s):  
Silvia Kim ◽  
Elsi Kaiser

We report an experiment that investigates how native and non-native Korean speakers’ interpretation of null pronouns in subject and object position is influenced by structural and discourse-level factors. We compare native Korean speakers to L2 Korean learners whose L1, Spanish, only has null pronouns in subject position. We find that native Korean speakers’ interpretation of subject and object null pronouns is guided by structural factors as well as discourse-level coherence relations, with subject nulls being more sensitive to coherence relations than object nulls. In contrast, our results suggest that L2 speakers’ interpretation of null pronouns in Korean is less influenced by coherence relations. Our results support claims that interface phenomena are challenging in L2 acquisition and provide new evidence that this occurs with null pronouns in L2 even when the L1 has null pronouns.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-285
Author(s):  
Eva Evianda ◽  
Ramli Ramli ◽  
Mohd Harun

This research aimed to describe women’s position in Prohaba Daily News texts based on Sara Mills and Theo van Leeuwen perspective of critical discourse analysis, especially the analysis of actor position, exclusion and inclusion. This is a descriptive qualitative research in which data were collected by documentation technique. The data were Prohaba Daily News texts during 2018. The data were analyzed using Sara Mills’ actor position analysis model and Theo van Leeuwen’s exclusion and inclusion analysis. Actor position analysis included subject position and object position. Exclusion analysis included the passivation, nominalization, and substitution of clauses. While the inclusion analysis included differentiation-indifferentiation, objectivity-abstraction, nomination-identification, nomination-categorization, determination-indetermination, assimilation-individualization, and association-disassociation. The results showed that Prohaba Daily News texts positioned female actors in subject and object position in their news texts. Women as non-marginalized subject found in three news texts. Women as non-marginalized objects found in two news texts. Women in the marginalized object position found in eight news texts. Marginalization was conducted by using exclusion and inclusion strategies. The exclusion strategy used includes the nomination and substitution of clauses. Inclusion strategies used were differentiation-indifferentiation, objectivity-abstraction, nomination-identification, nomination-categorization, and association-disassociation. In addition, the use of certain vocabularies can marginalize the position of women in the daily news text Prohaba.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Abolfazl MOSAFFA JAHROMI

It has generally been argued that Persian does not include dummy elements called expletives, in spite of the existence of the morpheme ǐn which shows the behavior of an expletive in specific constructions. The morpheme is not a part of the argument structure and has no meaning. In Persian, which is a pro-drop language, the morpheme ǐn as expletive is generated only in [SPEC CP] of an independent clause. This element may occur in a subject position, object position, or as an object of a preposition. In subject and object positions it is optional when S′ moves to the end of the sentence, or is adjoined to it, in other cases it is obligatory. As an object of a preposition it is always obligatory, no matter whether the structure is the result of a movement or not. The aim of this article is to provide evidence in favor of the existence of expletives, and their projection in Persian.


Author(s):  
Anna Giskes ◽  
Dave Kush

AbstractCataphors precede their antecedents, so they cannot be fully interpreted until those antecedents are encountered. Some researchers propose that cataphors trigger an active search during incremental processing in which the parser predictively posits potential antecedents in upcoming syntactic positions (Kazanina et al., Journal of Memory and Language, 56[3], 384–409, 2007). One characteristic of active search is that it is persistent: If a prediction is disconfirmed in an earlier position, the parser should iteratively search later positions until the predicted element is found. Previous research has assumed, but not established, that antecedent search is persistent. In four experiments in English and Norwegian, we test this hypothesis. Two sentence completion experiments show a strong off-line preference for coreference between a fronted cataphor and the first available argument position (the main subject). When the main subject cannot be the antecedent, participants posit the antecedent in the next closest position: object position. Two self-paced reading studies demonstrate that comprehenders actively expect the antecedent of a fronted cataphor to appear in the main clause subject position, and then successively in object position if the subject does not match the cataphor in gender. Our results therefore support the claim that antecedent search is active and persistent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Xuehui Wang

Network moral education has three connotations including discourse right, discourse power and discourse effectiveness, and four characteristics including interactivity, diversity, symbolism and implicity. These characteristics to a certain extent make the position and function between the subject and object of network education change, resulting in the discourse power and discourse effectiveness out of sync. Therefore, when solving these problems, we should take the ideological beliefs as the leading point, use the new media technology means, take the discourse power construction as the starting point, occupy the discourse highland and manifest the representation. At the same time, we should take life practice as the standard, change the discourse, break the implicity, and put the initiative of network moral education in the hands of educators.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 655
Author(s):  
Jina Song ◽  
Elsi Kaiser

The present study investigates whether interpretation of null pronouns in Korean is best captured by a heuristics-based approach, focusing on subjecthood and syntactic parallelism, or a discourse-based coherence-relation approach, which regards pronoun resolution as a side-effect of general inferencing processes during discourse comprehension. We report two experiments where we investigated whether and how the interpretation of null pronouns in subject and object position in Korean is influenced by (i) the nature of the connective between the preceding clause and the pronoun-containing clause (kuliko “and” or waynyahamyen “because”), (ii) the presence/absence of the additive marker -to “also” in the pronoun-containing clause, and (iii) the presence/absence of the topic marker -(n)un on the subject of the preceding clause. As a whole, our results support the coherence-relation approach. We find that when a cue indicating a resemblance relation (either the connective and or the additive marker also) is present, null pronouns in both subject and object position tend to be interpreted as referring to an antecedent in a parallel syntactic position (subject and object respectively). This parallelism bias strengthens when a resemblance relation is signaled by both and and also. In contrast, when the two clauses are linked with because (indicating an explanation relation), null pronouns show no significant preference for either the subject or object antecedent. Topic-marking has no effect, possibly due to lack of context. Our study provides new evidence that both subject- and object-position null pronouns are sensitive to both syntactic and discourse-level factors.


2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
KUNIO NISHIYAMA

This paper presents a description and a theoretical analysis of agreement within coordination in Lamaholot (Austronesian), where the first conjunct agrees with the conjunction ‘and’. Conjunctive agreement is obligatory in the subject position but is optional in the object position. The analysis is couched in terms of markedness of case and proposes that the case of the subject (nominative) is unmarked compared to the case of the object (accusative), and that only unmarked case enables phi-features of the agreement control to be copied onto the agreement host. Apparent optionality is accounted for by manners of case spreading in coordination. Conjunctive agreement is also reported in the genetically unrelated but areally related language of Walman. Although conjunctive agreement originates in verbal agreement with the comitative function in both languages, it is shown that grammaticalization from the comitative to the conjunction is more advanced in Lamaholot, at least in terms of syntax and morphology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 102-126
Author(s):  
Natalya B. Koshkareva

Actional sentences describe certain ways in which the subjects affect the objects while the object's position in space does not change. The plane of content is the actional proposition, which contains the three necessary components, namely the subject, the object, and the predicate; the plane of expression is the model of the elementary simple sentence where the object position is prototypically expressed by a name in accusative. In the Khanty and Nenets languages, the actional elementary simple sentences tend to express the same types of relations but differ in their potential for paradigmatic variation. In Tundra Nenets, the communicative variants are related to variation in the choice of accusative, nominative, dative, or instrumental cases in order to express the thematic or rhematic objects and instruments/addressees. In the Kazym dialect of the Khanty language, the accusative form is only used in the system of pronominal declination; in the object position, nouns in nominative case are used. Therefore, to express the thematic-rhematic articulation, verb categories of conjugation (opposition of subject and object conjugation types) are used, as well as genus, because the case system is contracted. In the Nenets language, the communicative paradigm is related to the variation in name categories, whereas in Khanty, it is related to variation in verb categories.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document