Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking

The mechanism of anaphora resolution is subject to large cross-linguistic differences. The most likely reason for this is the different sensitivity of pronouns to the range of factors that determine their reference. In the current study, we explored the mechanism of anaphora resolution in Polish. First, we explored preferences in the interpretation of null and overt pronouns in ambiguous sentences. More specifically, we investigated whether Polish speakers prefer to relate overt pronouns to subject or object antecedents. Subsequently, we tested the consequences of violating this bias when tracing the online sentence-interpretation process using eye-tracking. Our results show that Polish speakers have a strong preference for interpreting null pronouns as referring to subject antecedents and interpreting overt pronouns as referring to object antecedents. However, in online sentence interpretation, only overt pronouns showed sensitivity to a violation of the speaker’s preference for a pronoun-antecedent match. This suggests that null pronoun resolution is more flexible than overt pronoun resolution. Our results indicate that it is much easier for Polish speakers to shift the reference of a null pronoun than an overt one whenever a pronoun is forced to refer to a less-preferred antecedent. These results are supported by naturalness ratings, which showed that null pronouns are considered equally natural regardless of their reference, while overt pronouns referring to subject antecedents are rated as considerably less natural than those referring to object antecedents. To explain this effect, we propose that the interpretation of null and overt pronouns is sensitive to different factors which determine their reference.

Differences between Korean Null Arguments and Korean Overt Pronouns

The ultimate goal is this paper is to provide five pieces of evidence that Korean null pronouns are not semantically and syntactically equivalent to Korean overt pronouns. First, when Korean overt pronouns and Korean null pronouns have the only NP as their antecedent, the truth condition becomes different. Second, when Korean overt pronouns and Korean null pronouns take the even NP as their antecedent, the truth condition becomes different. Third, the Korean overt pronoun ku ‘he’ is associated with its antecedent by coreference, whereas Korean null pronouns are associated with their antecedent by binding. Fourth, Korean overt pronouns yield a strict reading, whereas Korean null arguments induces the strict/sloppy ambiguity. This in turn suggests that Korean null pronouns yield looser interpretations than Korean overt pronouns. Additionally, it is worth noting that Korean overt pronouns induce a definite reading, whereas Korean null pronouns yield indefinite and definite readings. Fifth, Korean overt pronouns and Korean null pronouns are not alike in that the former is sensitive to phi-features (gender, number, and person), whereas the latter is not. This paper argues that Korean null pronouns are not syntactically the equivalent of Korean overt pronouns.

On the impact of clause order on pronoun resolution: evidence from Spanish

In research on intra-sentential pronominal anaphora resolution in null subject languages, it has been argued that null pronouns tend to be biased towards subject antecedents, whereas overt pronouns tend to prefer object antecedents, as predicted by Carminati’s ‘Position of the Antecedent Hypothesis’. However, these studies have mainly focused on only one of the two possible clause orders (main-subordinate or subordinate-main), which have not been overtly contrasted. This paper investigates the effects of clause order on the interpretation of third-person subject pronouns in globally ambiguous intra-sentential contexts by 49 native speakers of Spanish. The results of an acceptability judgment task explicitly comparing both clause orders indicate that relative clause order is a key factor affecting the interpretation of pronouns: while a preference of overt pronouns for object antecedents holds across clause orders, null pronouns show a bias towards subject antecedents only in subordinate-main sequences. These findings refine the Position of the Antecedent Hypothesis predictions by restricting them to subordinate-main complex sentences.

EXPRESS: Representations underling pronoun choice in Italian and English

Research has shown that speakers use fewer pronouns when the referential candidates are more similar and hence compete more strongly. Here we examined the locus of such an effect, investigating whether pronoun use is affected by the referents’ competition at a non-linguistic level only (non-linguistic competition account) or whether it is also affected by competition arising from the antecedents’ similarities (linguistic competition account) and the extent to which this depends on the type of pronoun. Speakers used Italian null pronouns and English pronouns less often (relative to full nouns) when the referential candidates compete more strongly situationally, whilst the antecedents’ semantic, grammatical or phonological similarity did not affect the rates of either pronouns, providing support for the non-linguistic competition account. However, unlike English pronouns, Italian null pronouns were unaffected by gender congruence between human referents, running counter to the gender effect for the use of non-gendered overt pronouns reported earlier. Hence, whilst both null and overt pronouns are sensitive to non-linguistic competition, what similarity affects non-linguistic competition partly depends on the type of pronouns.

Pronoun interpretation in Italian: assessing the effects of prosody

In this paper, we offer a prosodic account to supplement some well-known findings relating to choice of antecedents for pronouns in Italian. We argue that methodologies previously used to assess pronoun interpretation are flawed in that they rely only on written language to assess interpretation. In biclausal sentences like (1a), null pronouns are preferred when the antecedent is the discourse topic and subject of a higher clause; otherwise, overt pronouns are preferred. Sorace and Filiaci (2006) and Belletti et al. (2007) report that second language (L2) speakers of Italian overuse overt pronouns in contexts where null pronouns would be appropriate; they attribute this overuse to problems at the syntax-discourse interface (a failure to fully appreciate the discourse requirements on overt pronouns) and/or to processing problems relating to the Position of Antecedent Strategy (PAS) proposed by Carminati (2002). In addition to the behaviour of the L2ers with respect to overt pronouns, there are some puzzling results in this literature: both native speakers and L2ers fail to perform as expected with null pronouns, allowing them to take object antecedents about 50% of the time.

Microvariation in the division of labor between null- and overt-subject pronouns: the case of Italian and Spanish

In Italian, null pronouns are typically interpreted toward antecedents in a prominent syntactic position, whereas overt pronouns prefer antecedents in lower positions. Interpretation preferences in Spanish are less clear. While comprehension and production have never been systematically compared in Italian and Spanish, here we look at the preferences for overt- and null-subject pronouns in the two languages using the same production and comprehension materials. Using an offline comprehension task with a group of Spanish and Italian speakers, we tested sentences where the type of pronoun (null vs. explicit) and position of the pronoun (anaphoric vs. cataphoric) are manipulated, to determine how context affects speakers’ interpretations in the two languages. With two production tasks, we measured referential choice in controlled discourse contexts, linking the production patterns to the differences observed in comprehension. Our results indicate microvariation in the two null-subject languages, with Spanish following the Position of Antecedent Hypothesis but to a lesser degree than Italian. More specifically, in Spanish, the weaker object bias for overt pronouns parallels with a higher use of overt pronouns (and with fewer null pronouns) in contexts of topic maintenance.

Interpretation of Korean Null Pronouns in subject and object position: Comparing native and non-native speakers

We report an experiment that investigates how native and non-native Korean speakers’ interpretation of null pronouns in subject and object position is influenced by structural and discourse-level factors. We compare native Korean speakers to L2 Korean learners whose L1, Spanish, only has null pronouns in subject position. We find that native Korean speakers’ interpretation of subject and object null pronouns is guided by structural factors as well as discourse-level coherence relations, with subject nulls being more sensitive to coherence relations than object nulls. In contrast, our results suggest that L2 speakers’ interpretation of null pronouns in Korean is less influenced by coherence relations. Our results support claims that interface phenomena are challenging in L2 acquisition and provide new evidence that this occurs with null pronouns in L2 even when the L1 has null pronouns.

Prosodic effects on pronoun interpretation in Italian

In this paper we offer a prosodic account of some well-known L2 findings relating to discourse requirements on pronouns in null subject languages like Italian. Discourse plays a role in determining when a null or overt pronoun in acceptable: in biclausal sentences, null subjects are strongly preferred when the antecedent is the subject in another clause (-topic shift). Overt subjects, in contrast, imply a change of topic and a preference for non-subject antecedents. Carminati (2002) expresses this as the Position of Antecedent Hypothesis (PAH), a processing constraint whereby null pronouns prefer antecedents in Spec IP whereas overt pronouns prefer their antecedents to be elsewhere. Previous methodology used tasks where participants made judgments based on sentences they read to themselves, making it impossible to determine what prosody had been adopted. Our results suggest that there are prosodic effects on pronoun interpretation; hence, prosodic factors should be taken into consideration in future experiments.

Testing children’s knowledge of generic null pronouns

In this paper, I discuss an experiment conducted with children acquiring Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as their native language. The experiment was designed to test if Brazilian children understand that the null subject in impersonal structures has the generic reading in BP instead of the referential one. The experiment consisted of a Truth-Value Judgement Task (TVJT). The results show that children as young as 4 years of age understand the null subject in impersonals as generic. Based on a study showing that a 2-year-old child acquiring Estonian already produces null impersonals (TORN-LEESIK; VIJA, 2012), it is possible that children acquiring BP correctly assign the generic reading to a null pronoun in impersonal constructions before the age of 4. I propose that this knowledge could be tested in children younger than 4 using the Intermodal Preferential-Looking (IPL) paradigm (GOLINKOFF et al.,1987; NAIGLES; TOVAR, 2012), a method more suitable than the TVJT to test children that are very young.----------------------------------------------------------------------------------TESTANDO O CONHECIMENTO DE CRIANÇAS SOBRE PRONOMES GENÉRICOS NULONeste artigo, discuto um experimento conduzido com crianças adquirindo o português brasileiro (PB) como língua materna. O objetivo do experimento era testar se crianças brasileiras entendem que o sujeito nulo em estruturas impessoais tem uma leitura genérica no PB, em vez de referencial. O experimento consistiu em uma Tarefa de Julgamento de Valor de Verdade (TJVV). Os resultados mostram que crianças com 4 anos de idade já interpretam o pronome nulo em impessoais como genérico. Baseado em um estudo que mostra que uma criança de dois anos adquirindo o estoniano já produz sujeitos nulos impessoais, é possível supor que crianças adquirindo o PB atribuam corretamente a leitura genérica ao pronome nulo de impessoais antes dos 4 anos. Proponho que esse conhecimento possa ser testado em crianças antes dessa idade usando o Paradigma do Olhar Preferencial, um método mais adequado do que a TJVV para testar crianças muito novas---Original em inglês. TESTANDO O CONHECIMENTO DE CRIANÇAS SOBRE PRONOMES GENÉRICOS NULO

M190. USE OF NULL PRONOUNS IN SCHIZOPHRENIA

Background Schizophrenic speech show consistent disturbances in referentiality, which, from a communicative standpoint, manifest as incoherent speech. Referential failures are especially detected in the usage of pronouns. Literature reports that schizophrenics either use more pronouns without clear reference or more semantically rich anaphors than pronouns. Additionally, it is reported that psychosis language in the context of schizophrenia, schizo-affective disorder and bipolar disorder present more first-person pronouns; within individuals at high genetic risk of schizophrenia those who subsequently developed schizophrenia produced significantly more second-person pronouns than those who did not manifest the illness; and individuals with diagnosis of primary psychotic disorder increased their usage of pronouns, including first-person and second-person pronouns during the period prior to a relapse hospitalization. The abnormalities observed in the use pronouns suggest that schizophrenic patients have semantic-pragmatic issues. There are not many experimental studies devoted to pronouns in schizophrenia, and, according to our current knowledge, none of the existent ones focuses on pronouns without phonological content (null pronouns). In order to fulfill this gap, we present here an investigation of null pronouns in dream narratives produced by Brazilian schizophrenia patients. Methods Dream narratives from 20 schizophrenics and 20 control subjects, all native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese, were screened for null subject pronouns. Participants were prompt to talk by the command: “please report a recent dream”. Each narrative sample was then transcribed, and the occurrence of subject null pronouns were annotated, together with its morphosyntactic features (person & number) and referential status (referential vs. non-referential/expletives). The number of overt and null (with and without phonological content respectively) pronouns in subject position were converted into ratios by dividing the number of occurrences of each pronoun type (overt and null) by the total number of words in the narrative. Next, overt and null pronouns were compared within and between groups. Results T-test comparison showed that the schizophrenia group produced significantly more null pronouns than control group (t(25.126) = 3.919; p = .001); and, that null pronouns were significantly more produced than overt pronouns in the schizophrenia group (t(38) = 3.242; p = .002). Multiple regression showed that total of null pronouns differentiate schizophrenia from control group (F(1,38) = 15.357, p = .001, R2 = .288). In addition, analysis of null pronoun differences between groups based on morphosyntactic features and referential status, showed that schizophrenics used significantly more null pronouns with third-person singular features (t(27.523) =2.699; p =.012) and non-referential pronouns (expletives) (t(23.608) = 2.808; p = 0,010) than control group. Discussion A closer look at third-person null pronouns in the schizophrenic narratives showed that these pronouns are quite often loose in terms of reference: of the total occurrences of third-person null pronouns in schizophrenia approximately 30% are without clear referent. In accordance, null expletives, which are empty of reference, are overused to the point of explaining group differences. This corroborates that schizophrenic speech has a reduced semantic-pragmatic load, with a general difficulty in using pronouns within a contextually framed discourse.