Constantine as a ‘Bishop’

1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Seston

The author of the Vita Constantini (traditionally and persistently identified with Eusebius, despite the silence of St. Jerome), tells us that Constantine ‘at a banquet he was giving to the bishops declared that he too was a bishop. He added these words which I heard with my own ears: ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖϛ μὲν τῶν εἴσω τῆϛ ἐκτὸϛ ὑπὸ θεοῦ καθεσταμένοϛ ἐπίσκοπϛ ἂν εἴην ’.In attempts to define the relations between the first Christian emperor and the Church, no phrase is more frequently quoted than this obiter dictum. In the sixteenth century the French scholar Henri de Valois rendered τῶν ἐκτόϛ as if it were the genitive of τὰ ἐκτόϛ, and since then it has been the practice to regard Constantine as an ‘évèque du dehors’: the Emperor either exercised episcopal functions though not consecrated, or supervised mundane affairs (that is, the State), after the fashion of a bishop, or else held from God a temporal commission for ecclesiastical government, the bishops retaining control of dogma, ethics and discipline. Each of these three distinct interpretations is equally admissible.

Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter relates Bonhoeffer’s resistance to the state to the issue of his concern for the persecution of Jews under the Nazi regime. Although it has been common to see a direct relationship between these two—as if Bonhoeffer resisted the state above all because of its mistreatment of Jews—this chapter argues that the relationship is better understood as mediated by other theological concerns, namely, the two kingdoms and the doctrine of justification. This chapter advances that argument in connection with “The Church and the Jewish Question,” the first part of which is governed by the proper roles of church and state under the two kingdoms, the second part of which is governed by the concern for the message of justification that defines the church community.


1993 ◽  
Vol 28 (112) ◽  
pp. 345-352
Author(s):  
James Murray

One of the things which has united historians across the generations when writing about the Reformation in its Tudor Irish context is the conviction that the state was ultimately unsuccessful in securing the allegiance of the indigenous population to its religious dictates. Where this agreement has broken down, and continues to break down, is in the significance attached to the Tudor state’s failure, and in determining precisely when it became apparent.Until the end of the 1960s most examinations of sixteenth-century Ireland identified the Tudor failure as being synonymous with the practical and absolute failure of the Protestant Reformation. These studies were generally characterised by a partipris approach and by their employment of an interlinked and deterministic vision to explain this failure. Echoing the observations of contemporaries like Archbishop Loftus of Dublin, who spoke of the Irish people’s ‘disposition to popery’, writers of all religious persuasions saw the Reformation’s failure as an inevitable consequence of the inherently conservative character of the island’s inhabitants.


1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-423
Author(s):  
Albert Léo

It is a matter of common knowledge that during the last ten years the Churches of all denominations in France have been passing through a profound crisis. Such convulsions are not inevitably the death-agony of religion. Only the world's contempt or the world's forgetfulness could kill the Christian faith; but it is apt to be quickened rather than deadened by struggles for its life. Yet religion has a more subtle danger to encounter than the opposition of public authorities however violent. It is not impossible for the Church to be unconsciously seduced into imitation of her adversaries. She may come to make use of their methods. She may gradually slip downwards to the level of their spirit. So that, while prophesying among men as if she were the voice of God, her actions may be indistinguishable from those of a godless world. That is the danger. It is threatening the Church at this moment, and is more or less a menace to religion, everywhere and always.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-296
Author(s):  
John Bekos

Abstract This article presents an alternative use of The Church and the Kingdom, a homily that Giorgio Agamben addressed to the Bishop of Paris and high-ranked Church officials at Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris, in 2009. Taking advantage of the biblical and patristic sources of the homily, this article places the speech within the Christian tradition, treating it as if it was a Christian homily. It argues that the Church and the Kingdom lay the foundations for the new political comprising a dialectical tension between the State and the Church. The alternative politics of this new political is further developed by bringing together John Chrysostom, the philosopher Agamben and the theologian Stanley Hauerwas. This coming together leads to a politics of a life as strangers, sojourners and refugees.


2014 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-135
Author(s):  
John Witte

AbstractMartin Luther described each person as at once sinner and saint, priest and lord. We can do nothing good; we can do nothing but good.We are utterly free; we are everywhere bound. The more a person thinks himself a saint, the more sinful in fact he becomes. The more a person thinks herself a sinner, the more saintly she in fact becomes. The more a person acts like a lord, the more he is called to be a servant. The more a person acts as a servant, the more in fact she has become a lord. This is the paradoxical nature of human life, and this is the essence of human dignity. Luther used this dialectic theology to level the traditional divisions between pope and prince, clergy and laity, aristocrat and commoner in his sixteenth-century world. And he helped to shape ongoing Protestant teachings about the need to balance authority and liberty, hierarchy and equality, rights and duties in all spheres of life, not least the church and the state.


1986 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 69-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Henderson

The confraternities of late-medieval Europe have been seen as associations which were in some ways almost independent of the Church, and drew their special dynamism from the fact that the parish was supposedly in decline and had ceased to provide an adequate religious service to the lay community. However true this may have been north of the Alps, the problem when this proposition is applied to southern Europe, and particularly Italy, is that very little is known about the late-medieval parish to ascertain whether confraternities were really syphoning off the adherence of the local inhabitants. So often our impressions about the state of the Italian church derive from the sporadic visitations of local bishops or the ribald stories of a Boccaccio or Franco Sacchetti, later repeated and taken almost at face value by such influential writers as Burkhardt. But we may also be in danger of seeing late-medieval religion filtered through sixteenth-century eyes and taking for granted the correctness of the criticisms of the Council of Trent or for that matter following Luther’s gripes that confraternities had become no more than beer-drinking clubs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-104
Author(s):  
Teguh Nugroho

The birth of Anabaptist movement appeared in the context of church reformation by Martin Luther in the sixteenth century in Europe.Anabaptist movement was aimed to renewing the Church according to the Scriptures, because many Protestant reformers, such as Luther and Zwingli, were not radical. They still practice some of the rules and teachings of the Roman Catholic church, such as infant baptism and maintaining the Church's relationship with the State. The Anabaptists movement rejects these practices. The Anabaptists attempted to carry out a more radical reform than their predecessors. The Anabaptist group itself has a membership of about 1.7 million worldwide. The data raises the question of how they made their mission. The facts show that the Anabaptists were persistent missionaries in preaching their Faith. The Anabaptist mission is based on three Anabaptist beliefs: Jesus became the center of faith, Mennonite who put peace and community as the center of life. These three beliefs will be analyzed using David J. Bosch's three paradigms to see the correlation between "Mission as Mediating Salvation” and the belief that Jesus is the center of faith, "Mission as Evangelism" with Mennonite beliefs that promote peace, and "Mission as Ministry by the Whole People of God” with community is the center of live. The results of this analysis will show the radicalism of the Anabaptist movement.


1927 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. O. Evennett

Of the many sixteenth-century conferences which sought to bridge the gulf between Catholicism and those who had broken away from the Church, the Colloquy of Poissy was perhaps the most spectacularly staged. It was, however, remarkable more as a spectacle than as a serious theological discussion, and its true importance lies rather in the movement which brought it into being, and the particular aspirations, both political and religious, which were bound up in it, than in the actual tenor of the debates. Its real significance lay in this, that it represented a local attempt made by those Catholics who were opposed to the continuation of the suspended Council of Trent, to deal on their own initiative with the religious situation and to put into action their own eirenic ideas of church reform. They counselled concessions in ceremonial and discipline and the largest possible doctrinal lenience, in the hope, if not actually of effecting reunion with the Protestants, at least of removing some of the most powerful incentives to schism. The realization that the Council of Trent, if resumed, would neither favour this policy nor commend itself to Protestant support impelled them to resist the papal wishes and to call for a new council of Catholics and Protestants at which reunion should be the principal objective. These views spread wherever the growth of large bodies of heretics, organized and defying persecution, had caused serious embarrassment to the state by weakening the country's unity, imperilling the general administration, and presenting altogether a political problem that demanded urgent solution. But although to a large extent inspired by the exigencies of government the programme of the moderates was not based entirely on considerations of political expediency. The party did not lack theologians: Zasius, Gienger, Staphylus, in the Emperor's entourage, and liberal Catholics like George Cassander, were all men on whom some shreds of the mantle of Contarini and his followers may not unjustly be said to have fallen.


Author(s):  
Alfréd Somogyi

"“I Take It as If They Were Here…” A Side-Note on a Cancelled Episcopal Visitation. The study examines a letter which has extraordinary importance for the Reformed community in Czechoslovakia. It was written on behalf of President Tomáš Garrique Masaryk to the bishops of the Reformed Church in 1922. At that point in history, the Hungarian Reformed people, who came under the new rule of an entirely new state, Czechoslovakia, were able to form their new ecclesiastical dioceses. However, an independent Reformed Church of Czechoslovakia had not yet been proclaimed since they were not able to convene a synod. The leaders of the church tried to make use of all kinds of political connections to serve the need of the church. Therefore, they initiate a meeting with President Masaryk, who was having a holiday in Kistapolcsány (Topolčianky) during the autumn of 1922. All preparations made seemed to be organized well and go smoothly, even the lobby executed in the political arena indicated that the much-expected meeting would take place. However, the audience was cancelled by the office of the head of the state during the very last meeting. This study investigates the preparations of the meeting, tries to assess on the basis of historical sources its assumed significance, and offers a reflection about the possible reasons why the hearing had been cancelled. Keywords: Czechoslovakia, Reformed Church, ecclesiastical policy, audience of the president of the state, state and church relations, Tomáš Garrique Masaryk, István Pálóczi Czinke "


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