The Effect of the Balkan Wars on European Alliances and the Future of the Ottoman Empire

1913 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Norman Dwight Harris
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Future

THE RUSSIAN CONSUL IN DAMASCUS PRINCE BORIS N. SHAKHOVSKOY’S ROLE IN INTERFAITH PEACE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-178
Author(s):  
Aleksei V. Sarabiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Interfaith Relations ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Common ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
First World

Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to his descendants a legacy of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on interfaith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (WWI). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities of the Islamist organization Muslim League in Damascus, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion towards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the attempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest is also the information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region. All these issues in the Syrian soil are viewed by the diplomat through the prism of competition between European powers, especially France and Italy.

The Future of the Ottoman Empire

1919 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-29
Author(s):  
Henry W. Jessup
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Future

scholarly journals ՀԱՅ-ՔՐԴԱԿԱՆ ՀԱՐԱԲԵՐՈՒԹՅՈՒՆՆԵՐԸ ՀԱՅԿԱԿԱՆ ՀԱՐՑԻ ՀԱՄԱՏԵՔՍՏՈՒՄ (XIX ԴԱՐԻ ՎԵՐՋ ԵՎ XX ԴԱՐԻ ՍԿԻԶԲ) / ARMENIAN- KURDISH RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF ARMENIAN QUESTION (END OF XIX CENTURY - BEGINNING OF XX CENTURY)

2021 ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
A. Gasparyan ◽  
G. Gazazyan
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
Armenian Genocide ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
Xix Century

Արդի ժամանակաշրջանում խիստ կարևորվում է հայ-քրդական հարաբերությունների ուսումնասիրման անհրաժեշտությունըֈ Հայերը և քրդերը դարեր շարունակ ապրել են կողք կողքի և շփվել որպես հարևան ժողովուրդներ: Այդ առնչությունները եղել են տարաբնույթ՝ իրենց մեջ ներառելով ինչպես քաղաքական, այնպես էլ տնտեսական ոլորտները: Բարդ ու հակասական է եղել հայ և քուրդ ժողովուրդների անցած պատմական ուղին: XIX դարի վերջին և XX դարի սկզբին քրդական շարժումները, որոնք թեև առանձին վայրերում հանդես եկան հայկական շարժումների հետ միահյուսված, այնուամենայնիվ չհանգեցրին հայ ազգային-ազատագրական շարժման հետ ձուլվելուն: Այս բոլորով հանդերձ՝ պատմության տրամաբանությունը հուշում է, որ քուրդ ժողովուրդը վաղ թե ուշ ստեղծելու է իր սեփական ազգային պետությունը: Հետևաբար տեսանելի կամ հեռավոր ապագայում հայ ու քուրդ ժողովուրդների ճակատագրերը, որպես տարածաշրջանային անմիջական հարևաններ, կրկին անխուսափելիորեն բախվելու են: Քրդական գործոնի դերը մասնավորապես Հայկական հարցում ունեցավ խիստ բացասական հետևանքներ: Այս գործոնը տիպաբանորեն պատկանում է Հայոց ցեղասպանության իրականացման առանցքային հարցերին: Հետևաբար քրդերի հակահայկական գործողությունները համարվում են Օսմանյան կայսրության քաղաքականությունից բխող հետևանք: / In modern times there is a necessity to study the history of relations between Armenians and Kurds.Armenians and Kurds have lived side by side for many centuries and they have communicated as neighbor countries. The communication has been of various types, including both political and economic spheres. Meanwhile, the historic destiny of these two neighbor countries was complex and contradictory. At the end of IX and at the beginning of XX centuries Kurdish movements co-acted with Armenian forces in some places, nevertheless they did not contribute to the formation of alliance. Nonetheless, the historical logics prompts that sooner or later the Kurdish people will have their own national country. Thus, in the future, the destinies of two neighbor countries will unavoidably collide. The Kurdish factor had a negative influence especially in the Armenian question. This factor typologically belongs to the main questions of realizing Armenian genocide. Consequently, the anti-Armenian actions done by Kurds are observed as the result of the policy of The Ottoman Empire.

Wars of Balkan Liberation, 1878–1913

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Hall
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Southeastern Europe ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
National Issue

Revolts against Ottoman rule erupted in the Balkans in 1875 and in 1876. Wars in which Montenegro, Romania, Russia, and Serbia fought against the Ottoman Empire broke out soon thereafter. While the Montenegrins and Serbs soon suffered defeat, the Russians overcame Ottoman forces on Bulgarian battlefields. The Treaty of San Stefano of 3 March 1878, imposed by the Russians on the Ottomans, proved to be controversial. In an effort to resolve the national issue of southeastern Europe and to replace the contentious Treaty of San Stefano, the European great powers met at Berlin to forge a new settlement. The Treaty of Berlin of 13 July 1878 established a Bulgarian principality under Ottoman suzerainty. Although the Treaty of Berlin satisfied none of the Balkan countries, rivalries among the Balkan peoples over the disposition of Ottoman territories prevented the formation of a united effort against the Ottomans. After the turn of the 20th century, intra-Balkan rivalries intensified, especially over Macedonia. At the same time, Albanians, Muslim Slavs, and Turks sought to effect reforms within the Ottoman Empire. The seizure of power by the Committee for Union and Progress (Young Turks) in Constantinople and their stated intentions to reform the Ottoman Empire initiated a series of events that led to general conflict. In the immediate aftermath of the Young Turk coup, the Austro-Hungarian government announced the formal annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Concurrently, Bulgaria made a formal declaration of independence. Concerns that Ottoman reform would thwart their nationalist aspirations led many Albanians to revolt in 1910. Two years later, similar apprehensions led the Bulgarians and the Serbs to put aside their rivalries over Macedonia and conclude an anti-Ottoman alliance. The Greeks and Montenegrins subsequently joined this Balkan League. In October 1912, the Balkan League went to war against the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan armies triumphed on all fronts. On 30 May 1913, the Balkan allies signed a preliminary peace with the Ottomans in London. Shortly thereafter, the Balkan alliance collapsed due to disputes over the disposition of Ottoman territory. On 30 June, the Bulgarians attacked their former Greek and Serbian allies in Macedonia. The Ottomans entered the fray against Bulgaria to regain lost Thracian territory, and the Romanians invaded Bulgaria to seize southern Dobrudja (Dobrudzha). Attacked on all sides, the Bulgarians were forced to sue for peace. These wars left Bulgaria with a sense of national frustration and the Balkan allies and Romania with a feeling of inflated national success. Within three years, all the participants in the Balkan Wars would again be at war.

POINT OF NO RETURN? PROSPECTS OF EMPIRE AFTER THE OTTOMAN DEFEAT IN THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-84
Author(s):  
Ramazan Hakkı Öztan
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Ottoman History ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Point Of No Return ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractIn late 1912, the Ottoman imperial armies suffered a series of quick defeats at the hands of the Balkan League, comprising Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro, resulting in significant territorial losses. The Ottoman defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912–13) often stands at the center of teleological accounts of a neat and linear transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. These teleological readings see the Ottoman defeat as a historical turning point when Ottoman elites turned nationalist, discovered Anatolia, and embraced the Turkish core. This article contends that such approaches frame late Ottoman history in anticipation of the later reality of nation-states, and overlook the messy and historically complex nature of the collapse of empire and the emergence of the nation-state. Although the defeat was certainly shocking for the Ottoman ruling elite, I argue that it initiated an era of debate rather than one of broad consensus. Similarly, the defeat neither marked the end of the Ottoman Empire nor heralded the coming of the Turkish Republic, but rather reinvigorated the Ottoman imperialist project.

scholarly journals Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism: Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 835-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nader Sohrabi
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Building ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Causal Connection ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
North And South

Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.

ATROCITY PROPAGANDA AND THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE MASSES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE DURING THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-778 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Doğan Çetinkaya
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Home Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Turkish Language ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractDuring the Balkan Wars (1912–13), the mobilization of the home front became significant for the belligerent states, which initiated propaganda activities demonizing their enemies and galvanizing the emotions of their publics. This paper explores one type of such mobilization efforts from above, atrocity propaganda, through which states sought to invoke hatred and mobilize public support for war by focusing on the atrocities (mezalim) that their coreligionists had suffered at the hands of enemies. Although the term “atrocity propaganda” has been used exclusively in the context of World War I in the historiography, the practice it describes was effectively utilized during the earlier Balkan Wars. In the Ottoman Empire, both state and civil initiatives played crucial roles in the making of atrocity propaganda, which was disseminated through intense coverage in the Turkish-language press. The imagery it employed shifted with the onset of the wars, becoming increasingly shocking. Atrocity propaganda contributed to the well-known radicalization of nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire.

scholarly journals The The Emigration of Muslims from the Greek state in the 19th century. An Outline

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 97-122
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Popek
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
The Future ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Over Time

Modern Greek statehood began to take shape with the War of Independence that broke out in 1821 and continued with varying intensity for the next years. As a result of these events, the Greeks cast of the foreign rule, which for many not only meant separation from the Ottoman Empire, but also the expulsion of Muslims living in these lands. During the uprising, about 25 000 Muslims lost their lives, and a similar number emigrated from the territory of the future Greek state. The next great exodus of Muslims from Greek lands was related to the annexation of Thessaly by the Hellenic Kingdom, which was to a larger extent spread over time. Since the region was incorporated into Greece until the beginning of the 20th century, the 40 000-strong Islamic community had virtually disappeared.

scholarly journals Between deosmanization and balkanization: refugee’s steps of bosniak history

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-74
Author(s):  
Safet Bandžović ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Past ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
Linguistic Backgrounds

The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.

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