EL MENSAJERO and the Election of 1871 in Mexico

1948 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Walter V. Scholes

The Late 1860’s and early 1870’s marked for Mexico the end of an era, for Benito Juárez was serving his last years in the presidency. At the same time there were the stirrings of a new personal order; Porfirio Díaz was making his first overt attempt to gain control. In this period some of the greatest liberals turned against Juárez and toward Díaz. The charges which they hurled against the former during the year 1871 resemble those used against Díaz during the later years of his reign. To many of the liberals Juárez was the bureaucratic leader of a personal party and Díaz was the rising dynamic liberal. Their views are well reflected in the newspaper El Mensajero, published in Mexico City from January 2 to September 30, 1871.


1976 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-596
Author(s):  
John H. Seward

On the 23rd of November 1876 Porfirio Díaz rode into Mexico City at the head of a “regenerating army” that had just toppled liberal President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada from power through armed insurrection. This was not an unusual incident in Mexico. Since the establishment of the Republic only two presidents had left office voluntarily at the end of their elected terms. The rest had all been deposed, usually after only a year or so in executive power, with the notable exception of Benito Juárez, who died in the office that he apparently intended to retain indefinitely, having held onto it in one way and another for fifteen years.



2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Berenice Sánchez Martínez

La enseñanza de dibujo en México durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX adquirió gran importancia, pues bajo la filosofía positivista de la época se consideró a esta disciplina como una herramienta fundamental para la formación intelectual y estética del ciudadano en general. El proyecto educativo nacional de Benito Juárez continuado, con algunos cambios de enfoque, por el régimen de Porfirio Díaz, introdujo al dibujo como materia obligatoria desde la primaria hasta la preparatoria. De esta manera, dicha disciplina dejó de ser un estudio exclusivo para las academias de arte, para los artistas, arquitectos e ingenieros y se convirtió en la base para la formación de diversas profesiones, para las artes industriales, gráficas y mecánicas y para la mayor parte de los oficios decimonónicos.En la ciudad de San Luis Potosí, durante el último tercio del siglo XIX, se llevaron a cabo reformas a los planes de estudio de primaria a preparatoria, las cuales buscaban concordancia con las políticas nacionales. Este trabajo reúne evidencia relativa a la enseñanza de dibujo en esta ciudad durante el Porfiriato (1877-1910) en el Instituto Científico y Literario, en la Escuela Normal para Profesores y en la Escuela Industrial Militar, evidenciando que tanto el método didáctico como la idea de la importancia científica, artística y técnica de esta disciplina formaban parte de una política educativa federal, que permeó con fuerza en los estados. 



2018 ◽  
pp. 144-170
Author(s):  
Andrew Konove

This chapter examines the Baratillo’s relationship with Porfirian Mexico City, when the country’s autocratic president Porfirio Díaz sought to modernize the nation and its capital city in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It focuses on the events that led to the Baratillo’s relocation to the neighborhood of Tepito, in 1902. Facing the threat of the market’s closure, baratilleros bargained with the municipal government, reaching a compromise to move to Tepito—a location the vendors proposed themselves. The chapter contributes to recent scholarship that revises earlier depictions of the Porfiriato as a monolithic dictatorship, emphasizing instead the multiple ways that Mexico’s government and citizens maintained a tense and unequal peace for more than thirty years.



2018 ◽  
pp. 239-248
Author(s):  
Paul Ramírez

At the end of the nineteenth century, doctors and scientists in Mexico helped the authoritarian government of Porfirio Díaz project an image of a modern nation to the world. Despite medicine’s professionalization, a dispute in downtown Mexico City in these years over whether the sacred spaces of a parish church might be used for vaccinations opens a window onto continued confusion over preventive medicine’s proper place and identity. In part, confusion was a result of the role of rural priests in disease management and medical practice; early vaccination campaigns only reinforced the overlapping of authority in the early Republic. Continued struggles to immunize the population against disease in the nineteenth century warn against the tendency to see medical empiricism as neatly opposed to religious agents, rituals, or administration in the modern period.



1977 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-651
Author(s):  
Frank S. Falcone

On August 25, 1867, Benito Juárez was feted at a now-famous banquet attended by General Porfirio Díaz, as well as most of the leaders of the Mexican government and military. The occasion, however, was hardly festive. Throughout the banquet, Díaz remained sullen in his seat instead of offering the customary first toast. As his silence became more embarrassing, Juárez finally broke the tension by graciously rising and offering a toast to “Liberty and Independence.”



1981 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Walker

Most studies of relations between government and organized labor in Mexico stand firmly on the supposition that the Revolution of 1910 marked a sharp break with the past. The labor policies of the Díaz regime have alternately been described as either brutally repressive or as neutral and aloof in keeping with nineteenth century liberal doctrine (especially before 1906). If either of these somewhat contradictory characterizations are true, then the case for discontinuity in labor policies is clearly confirmed.This essay will argue that neither description of labor policies during the Díaz regime is accurate. Rather, patterns of interaction between the Díaz government and urban working class organizations, especially in Mexico City, shaped the evolution of the Mexican labor movement and national labor policy along lines followed ever since. The Díaz government developed a flexible and sophisticated array of labor policy instruments that was based upon cooperation with and subsidies to progovernment labor organizations as well as political rewards and the other fruits of cooptation for labor leaders loyal to the regime. With its labor allies, the Díaz government promoted modes of organization which retarded labor militancy, sponsored informal as well as official mediation between workers and employers during strikes and other conflicts, and disseminated propaganda and instituted educational programs, including pro-government labor newspapers and schools for the working class, designed to promote labor's identification of its own well-being with the interests of the state. While the Revolution of 1910 and the later developments of the Cárdenas era institutionalized statelabor relations as never before, the objectives and instrumentalities of contemporary labor relations have their origin in the Porfiriato.



2005 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Esposito

In 1876, the Revolution of Tuxtepec raged in the Mexican countryside, producing more war dead for families to mourn. The timely arrival of General Manuel González on the battlefield at the hacienda of Tecoac (Tlaxcala) forced Federal Army General Ignacio Alatorre to surrender to the rebels on November 16. Without an army, President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada went into exile and the forces of General Porfirio Díaz entered Mexico City unopposed. Widespread melancholia continued through December. The journalist “Juvenal” (Enrique Chávarri) wrote about the gloomy outlook in the capital, where no serenades or social gatherings rang in the new year. Instead of patronizing restaurants, people flocked to churches to pray for a better year.



2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-187
Author(s):  
Paul Bryan Gray

Ignacio Sepúlveda, an East Coast-educated scion of one of the leading Californio families of the ranchero class, successfully negotiated the transition of California to US statehood by associating with Southern Democrats to become a judge and state assemblyman. Later in life he relocated to Mexico City where he made a career of steering American capital to investment opportunities in the Mexico of Porfirio Díaz. His story is doubly significant as an account of the possibilities available to young Californios prior to 1880 and as perhaps the first study of how the influence brokering for American investors was conducted in the Porfiriato.



2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susie S. Porter

In 1908 Señora Teodora Muñoz Viuda de Trejo, with the assistance of a public scribe, wrote to the city government regarding her business selling cakes on the streets of Mexico City. An inspector for the Department of Slaughterhouses and Markets had recently told her that as a vendor of prepared food she could no longer conduct business on the streets. This directive, if carried out, would have dire consequences for Señora Muñoz Viuda de Trejo.In her fourth letter to municipal authorities she wrote, I have mailed three letters and all without a favorable outcome. Today that circumstances compel me, I have made myself vulnerable once again to scorn, but a secret voice tells me to have faith. … Señor Governor, I have been a vendor of cakes since Señor Benito Juárez governed, then Señor Lerdo de Tejada came to power; and I continued making a living without interruption after our current president rose to power. I didn’t meet with any set-backs until three years ago when they took from me three licenses with which I supported myself. … I suffer an ailment of my arms; eight months ago I lost my only daughter who supported me, and she left me with three orphaned children—you see, she was widowed. And so, finding myself in this situation I am obliged to plead to the father of us the poor, that he concede what would be for me a fortune, that I be allowed to sell my cakes, and God will compensate you for this act of nobility. Your humble servant, Teodora Muñoz Viuda de Trejo.(AHCM 1910. 1735: 777)



Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Sonia Alcaraz Hernández

Para el gobierno de Porfirio Díaz y Manuel González (1876-1911), la propagación de una epidemia en la capital se vislumbraba no sólo como un problema de salud pública sino, además, como una amenaza a los intereses políticos, económicos y sociales de la nación. A finales del siglo XIX, la insalubridad de los cementerios de la ciudad de México provocaba una consternación general que se refleja en los escritos de todos los observadores. En primer lugar, los escritores y cronistas hacen un balance del estado de los cementerios de la ciudad; por su parte, los médicos e higienistas proponen soluciones prácticas para que los cementerios se transformen en ámbitos saludables. Finalmente, las autoridades sanitarias de la ciudad toman el relevo e imponen medidas de higiene pública en materia funeraria entre los años 1870 y los años 1890.Abstract: For the government of Porfirio Diaz and Manuel González (1876-1911), the spreading of a major epidemic over the city was considered not only as a public health problem but also as a threat to the nation’s political, economic and social interests. At the end of the XIXth Century, the unhealthy conditions of the cemeteries of Mexico city was a matter of a great concern among different social observers. Writers and chroniclers criticize the cemeteries conditions in that period. For their part, physicians and hygienists propose practical solutions to transform the cemeteries into healthy ambiances. Finally, the sanitary authorities impose measurements of public hygiene in funeral matters in the years 1870-1890.Résumé : Pour le gouvernement de Porfirio Díaz et Manuel González (1876-1911), la diffusion d’une épidémie dans la capitale était considérée tant comme un problème de santé publique que comme une menace à l’encontre des intérêts politiques, économiques et sociaux de la nation. À la fin du XIXe siècle, l’insalubrité des cimetières de la ville de Mexico provoqua une consternation générale qui se reflète sous la plume de tous les observateurs. En premier lieu, écrivains et chroniqueurs font l’état des lieux des cimetières de la ville. Médecins et hygiénistes pour leur part proposent des solutions pratiques pour faire en sorte que les cimetières deviennent des espaces salutaires. Enfin, les autorités sanitaires de la ville prennent le relais, imposent des mesures d’hygiène publique en matière funéraire dans les années 1870-1890.



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