Order, Progress, and the Black Market

2018 ◽  
pp. 144-170
Author(s):  
Andrew Konove

This chapter examines the Baratillo’s relationship with Porfirian Mexico City, when the country’s autocratic president Porfirio Díaz sought to modernize the nation and its capital city in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It focuses on the events that led to the Baratillo’s relocation to the neighborhood of Tepito, in 1902. Facing the threat of the market’s closure, baratilleros bargained with the municipal government, reaching a compromise to move to Tepito—a location the vendors proposed themselves. The chapter contributes to recent scholarship that revises earlier depictions of the Porfiriato as a monolithic dictatorship, emphasizing instead the multiple ways that Mexico’s government and citizens maintained a tense and unequal peace for more than thirty years.

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-540
Author(s):  
Andrew Konove

This article investigates an urban renewal project in Mexico City that took place between 1900 and 1903 under the leadership of the mayor Guillermo de Landa y Escandón. Unlike the efforts of Mexico’s national government, which focused on the capital’s urban core, this project sought to bring public services, including paved streets and sidewalks, water and sewer lines, and parks to the city’s marginalized periphery. In studying this campaign, thus far overlooked by historians, the article explores the relationship between urban planning, local and national politics, and inequality in Mexico at the turn of the nineteenth century, arguing that the project’s ultimate failure stemmed from both fiscal constraints and political reforms that consolidated power in the capital city under President Porfirio Díaz. It also compares the project to contemporaneous urban renewal schemes elsewhere in the Americas, revealing commonalities between Landa y Escandón’s plans, the North American City Beautiful movement, and projects in South America while highlighting important differences.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Cigna ◽  
Deodato Tapete

<p>Several major cities in central Mexico suffer from aquifer depletion and land subsidence driven by overexploitation of groundwater resources to address increasing water demands for domestic, industrial and agricultural use. Ground settlement often combines with surface faulting, fracturing and cracking, causing damage to urban infrastructure, including private properties and public buildings, as well as transport infrastructure and utility networks. These impacts are very common and induce significant economic loss, thus representing a key topic of concern for inhabitants, authorities and stakeholders. This work provides an Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) 2014-2020 survey based on parallel processing of Sentinel-1 IW big data stacks within ESA’s Geohazards Exploitation Platform (GEP), using hosted on-demand services based on multi-temporal InSAR methods including Small BAseline Subset (SBAS) and Persistent Scatterers Interferometry (PSI). Surface faulting hazard is constrained based on differential settlement observations and the estimation of angular distortions that are produced on urban structures. The assessment of the E-W deformation field and computation of horizontal strain also allows the identification of hogging (tensile strain or extension) and sagging (compression) zones, where building cracks are more likely to develop at the highest and lowest elevations, respectively. Sentinel-1 observations agree with in-situ observations, static GPS surveying and continuous GNSS monitoring data. The distribution of field surveyed faults and fissures compared with maps of angular distortions and strain also enables the identification of areas with potentially yet-unmapped and incipient ground discontinuities. A methodology to embed such information into the process of surface faulting risk assessment for urban infrastructure is proposed and demonstrated for the Metropolitan Area of Mexico City [1], one of the fastest sinking cities globally (up to 40 cm/year subsidence rates), and the state of Aguascalientes [2], where a structurally-controlled fast subsidence process (over 10 cm/year rates) affects the namesake valley and capital city. The value of this research lies in the demonstration that InSAR data and their derived parameters are not only essential to constrain the deformation processes, but can also serve as a direct input into risk assessment to quantify (at least, as a lower bound) the percentage of properties and population at risk, and monitor how this percentage may change as land subsidence evolves.</p><p>[1] Cigna F., Tapete D. 2021. Present-day land subsidence rates, surface faulting hazard and risk in Mexico City with 2014–2020 Sentinel-1 IW InSAR. <em>Remote Sens. Environ.</em> 253, 1-19, doi:10.1016/j.rse.2020.112161</p><p>[2] Cigna F., Tapete D. 2021. Satellite InSAR survey of structurally-controlled land subsidence due to groundwater exploitation in the Aguascalientes Valley, Mexico. <em>Remote Sens. Environ.</em> 254, 1-23, doi:10.1016/j.rse.2020.112254</p>


Author(s):  
Harm De Blij

The city is humanity’s most enduring symbol of power. States and empires rise and fall, armies conquer and collapse, ideologies come and go, but the world’s great cities endure. If there is a force that can vanquish a city, it is natural, not artificial. Ancient cities that anchored early states in Southwest, South, and East Asia fell victim to climate change as deserts encroached on their hinterlands. Modern cities on low ground at the water’s edge would not survive the sea-level rise that could accompany sustained global warming. But no political upheaval or economic breakdown would end the life of a major city—not even destruction by atomic bombs. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were rebuilt because the advantages and opportunities offered by their sites and situations were unaltered by the catastrophes that struck them. Silk route terminal Chang’an morphed into Xian and Tenochtitlan became Mexico City because their locational benefits, sites, and regional networks outlasted their violent transitions. Not for nothing is Rome known as the Eternal City. With the maturation of the modern state came the notion of the “capital” city, focus of its administrative system and emblematic of its power. Cities had always dominated their hinterlands, but now their power radiated far afield. From Athens to Amsterdam and from Madrid to Moscow, these national capitals became imperial headquarters that launched colonial campaigns near and far. London was synonymous with this early wave of globalization, but Paris also lay at the heart of a global network of power and influence. In these capitals, cityscapes substantiated national achievements through elaborate palaces, columned government buildings, decorative triumphal arches, spacious parade routes, and commemorative statuary. Museums bulging with treasure attested further to the primacy of the culture, leading one observer, long ago but memorably, to designate such centers as “primate” cities (Jefferson, 1939). The trappings of this primacy reappeared in the architecture of colonial headquarters from Dakar to Delhi and from Luanda to Lima, incongruous Greco- Roman-Victorian-Iberian imprints on administrative offices, railroad stations, post offices, even prisons half a world away from Europe. More than ever before, the city in the global periphery was the locus of authority and transculturation.


1976 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-596
Author(s):  
John H. Seward

On the 23rd of November 1876 Porfirio Díaz rode into Mexico City at the head of a “regenerating army” that had just toppled liberal President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada from power through armed insurrection. This was not an unusual incident in Mexico. Since the establishment of the Republic only two presidents had left office voluntarily at the end of their elected terms. The rest had all been deposed, usually after only a year or so in executive power, with the notable exception of Benito Juárez, who died in the office that he apparently intended to retain indefinitely, having held onto it in one way and another for fifteen years.


2018 ◽  
pp. 239-248
Author(s):  
Paul Ramírez

At the end of the nineteenth century, doctors and scientists in Mexico helped the authoritarian government of Porfirio Díaz project an image of a modern nation to the world. Despite medicine’s professionalization, a dispute in downtown Mexico City in these years over whether the sacred spaces of a parish church might be used for vaccinations opens a window onto continued confusion over preventive medicine’s proper place and identity. In part, confusion was a result of the role of rural priests in disease management and medical practice; early vaccination campaigns only reinforced the overlapping of authority in the early Republic. Continued struggles to immunize the population against disease in the nineteenth century warn against the tendency to see medical empiricism as neatly opposed to religious agents, rituals, or administration in the modern period.


2013 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 388-393
Author(s):  
Hugh Morrison

Despite extensive engagement, children were invisible in the programs of the nineteenth-century Protestant missionary conferences. By the early 1900s this had noticeably changed as denominations and missionary organizations sought to maximize and enhance juvenile missionary interest. Childhood was the key stage in which to establish habits; the future depended upon “the education of the childhood of the race, in missionary matters as in all others.” Literature was pivotal and periodicals were deemed to be the most effective literary form. They provided the young with “impressions which will never be lost . . . nothing will appeal to the young more strongly than stories from beyond the seas, of strange people who know not of Christ, but who need His gospel.” Juvenile missionary periodicals were ubiquitous in Britain, Europe, and America, but they are still only partially understood. Adult and juvenile literature was qualitatively different so that “any adequate analysis . . . requires to be grounded in an understanding of the construction of childhood in the Victorian and Edwardian eras.” This task remains very much a work in progress. Most recent scholarship tends to discursively situate children's periodicals with respect to religion, culture, and politics. All agree on at least a broad two-fold function: the spiritual and the philanthropic. Periodicals per se were an integral part of a large and pervasive Victorian corpus of juvenile religious and moral literature. At the same time missionary periodicals were different. They emphasized child agency by encouraging a “participatory relationship” between readers and their subject. Children became active agents “in a diaologic relationship with [their] world.”


1983 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Ramirez

The last quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed the beginning of Mexico's “Golden Age.” During this time Mexico received bounteous foreign capital, industry and agriculture flourished, railroads pushed their way south from the United States, the ancient reales de minas of the Spaniards reopened, and smelters began to “belch their yellow fumes into the desert air.” The valuable silver, gold, copper, lead, and zinc flowed north to feed the rapidly expanding commerce and industry ofthe United States, and many domestic products found a ready market abroad. The capital city was cleaned up and modernized, electric lights and streetcars were everywhere, and many new buildings arose, such as the elaborate Palace of Fine Arts. Porfirio Díaz, Mexico's president during these years, surrounded himself with able científicos, a group of brilliant lawyers and economists who “worshipped at the new and glittering shrine of Science and Progress” and who as cultivated men brought, along with Mexico's material improvements, cultural ornaments as well. They encouraged poetry, novels, art, and music, all of which thrived in Mexico City. The theatre was just as much a part of that cultural growth as the other arts. Beyond question the economic and cultural development of Mexico during the regime of Don Porfirio was great.


1945 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Francis Borgia Steck

Another gifted writer whose name has almost passed into oblivion is Tirso Rafael Córdoba. Like Rafael Gómez, he from Michoacán, a circumstance that seems to explain why during the period we are considering these two men stood on such intimate terms of friendship and in their literary career had so many things in common. His biographer tells us that in 1853, at the early age of fifteen, Córdoba, then a student in the Seminario de Morelia, was admitted to membership in the Liceo Iturbide, a distinction conferred upon him in view of the exceptional progress he had made in the arts and sciences. Only for the disturbed times in which his youth and early manhood fell, Córdoba would have entered the priesthood, this being his intention when he studied philosophy in the Seminario Conciliar Palafoxiano in the city of Puebla. From this celebrated school he graduated with high honors and then proceeded to Mexico City where he studied canon and civil law in the Colegio de San Ildefonso and passed the bar examination in the University of Mexico. But again he became a victim of circumstances, unable to engage freely and fully in the legal and political circles for which he was so richly qualified. After the fall of the Second Empire, at which time he was Secretary General of the municipal government of Puebla, he retired from public life and thereafter took a prominent part, chiefly in Mexico City, in social and literary activities. He was one of the founders of the organization known as La Sociedad Católica and collaborated in the founding and editing of periodicals, popular as well as literary, such as La Voz de México, El Obrero Católico, El Hijo del Obrero, La Lira Poblana, La Aurora, and La Oliva.


2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-124
Author(s):  
Amanda M. López

In 1909, the Mexico City Department of Public Works installed two crematory ovens in the capital’s municipal cemetery, the Panteón de Dolores, in culmination of a late nineteenth-century campaign by officials that advocated cremation as a modern and hygienic form of burial for all Mexicans. In practice, all classes rejected cremation and only the very poor were cremated. This essay examines the arguments for and against cremation and the implementation and daily practice surrounding cremation in Mexico City from the 1870s–1920. The establishment of cremation was part of the Porfirian project to modernize and sanitize Mexico that targeted the poor as an obstacle to progress. En 1909, el Departamento de Obras Públicas de la ciudad de México instaló dos hornos crematorios en el cementerio municipal de la capital, el Panteón de Dolores, en culminación de una campaña a finales del siglo XIX por los funcionarios que defendían la cremación como una forma moderna e higiénica de entierro para todos los mexicanos. En práctica, todas las clases rechazaron cremación y sólo los muy pobres fueron cremados. Este ensayo examina los argumentos a favor y en contra de la cremación y la implementación y la práctica diaria que rodea la cremación en la ciudad de México entre 1870–1920. El establecimiento de la cremación era parte del proyecto porfiriano de modernizar y desinfectar México que apuntó a los pobres como un obstáculo al progreso.


Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

This chapter closely examines the development of Cuban migrant communities in three Mexican cities: Veracruz, Merida, Mexico City and compares them to Cuban communities established in the United States. Examining migratory patterns, economy, politics, race, culture and interstate and cross regional connections, this chapter posits that shifting our focus away from the United States and centering on Mexico allows us to truly appreciate the breadth and scope of the nineteenth-century Cuban Diaspora.


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