HUMAN RIGHTS, SELF-DETERMINATION OF PEOPLES AND SECESSION

2020 ◽  
pp. 209-218
Author(s):  
Helena Torroja Mateu
ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-105
Author(s):  
Markku Suksi

Abstract New Caledonia is a colonial territory of France. Since the adoption of the Nouméa Accord in 1998, a period of transition towards the exercise of self-determination has been going on. New Caledonia is currently a strong autonomy, well entrenched in the legal order of France from 1999 on. The legislative powers have been distributed between the Congress of New Caledonia and the Parliament of France on the basis of a double enumeration of legislative powers, an arrangement that has given New Caledonia control over many material fields of self-determination. At the same time as this autonomy has been well embedded in the constitutional fabric of France. The Nouméa Accord was constitutionalized in the provisions of the Constitution of France and also in an Institutional Act. This normative framework created a multi-layered electorate that has presented several challenges to the autonomy arrangement and the procedure of self-determination, but the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Committee have resolved the issues regarding the right to vote in manners that take into account the local circumstances and the fact that the aim of the legislation is to facilitate the self-determination of the colonized people, the indigenous Kanak people. The self-determination process consists potentially of a series of referendums, the first of which was held in 2018 and the second one in 2020. In both referendums, those entitled to vote returned a No-vote to the question of ‘Do you want New Caledonia to attain full sovereignty and become independent?’ A third referendum is to be expected before October 2022, and if that one also results in a no to independence, a further process of negotiations starts, with the potential of a fourth referendum that will decide the mode of self-determination New Caledonia will opt for, independence or autonomy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 828-851
Author(s):  
Larissa Fernanda De Alencar Souza ◽  
Juracy Marques dos Santos

Resumo: O trabalho em epígrafe visa discutir as relações que se estendem entre os direitos culturais e a Ecologia Humana. De forma bibliográfica e analítica, apresentamos o percurso que leva da definição de cultura aos direitos culturais. Dentro dessa discussão, analisamos a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos como primeiro passo de promoção dos direitos culturais, importante para aprofundamento da discussão e extensão no devido debate. Num segundo momento, destacam-se os direitos culturais e políticas públicas culturais no Brasil, apresentando um histórico que passa pela constituição a aplicação de direitos culturais por meio das políticas públicas desenvolvidas. Por conseguinte, se discute a Ecologia humana em seu âmbito de Ecologia Cultural, em favor de analisar a importância de direitos culturais dentro desta matéria. Com base na Declaração de Friburgo, documento internacional que versa sobre a aplicação de direitos culturais, essa análise se dará através de 3 aspectos: a autodeterminação dos povos, o direito a identidade e patrimônio cultural, e os princípios de governança democrática. Assim, compreendemos que a ecologia humana cultural e os direitos culturais possuem uma relação mútua e interdependente para alcançar seus objetivos. Palavras-chave: Ecologia Cultural; Direitos Humanos; Autodeterminação dos Povos; Governança Democrática. Abstract: The above work aims to discuss the relationships that extend between cultural rights and Human Ecology. In a bibliographical and analytical way, we present the path that leads from the definition of culture to cultural rights. Within this discussion, we analyze the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a first step in promoting cultural rights, which is important for deepening the discussion and extending the due debate. In a second moment, cultural rights and cultural public policies in Brazil stand out, presenting a history that goes through the constitution and application of cultural rights through the developed public policies. Therefore, human ecology is discussed in its scope of cultural ecology, in favor of analyzing the importance of cultural rights within this matter. Based on the Friborg Declaration, an international document that deals with the application of cultural rights, this analysis will be carried out through 3 aspects: the self-determination of peoples, the right to identity and cultural heritage, and the principles of democratic governance. Thus, we understand that cultural human ecology and cultural rights have a mutual and interdependent relationship to achieve their goals. Keywords: Cultural Ecology; Human Rights; Self-determination of People; Democratic Governance. 


Author(s):  
Azer Kagraman Ogly Kagramanov

The subject of this research is the place and role of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples within the system of the fundamental principles of international law. Analysis is conducted  on the basic questions of the theory of international law – correlation between the principle of self-determination with other peremptory norms (jus cogens) and moral-ethical categories. Special attention is given to the problem of building a hierarchy of the fundamental principles of international law. A bias towards one of them leads to the disruption of the international system and order, and any attempts to extract a single link out of closely related principles of the international law are doomed to fail. The conclusion is drawn that multiple experts in international law try to build the system by extracting key link, which raises serious doubts. The author believes that all the principles of international law are interrelated and equal. The emerged at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries international legal concept of the “Responsibility to Protect” is of crucial importance. The concept interacts with the principle of respect for the human rights. The author concludes that universalization of human rights at the current stage of development of the international law can reveal the new aspects of the problems of state sovereignty and the right to self-determination. The author warns against the attempts to universalize human rights by giving priority, along with other principles. The author follows the logic of correlation of the principle of self-determination with other fundamental principles of international law such as: nonintervention in the internal affairs and non-use of force or threat of force, sovereignty, peaceful settlement of disputes by all means known to international law, cooperation between states and diligent discharge of obligations in accordance with the international law underlie the solution to the problem of self-determination; if various aspects of this problem extend beyond a single state, then acquire international scale.


2022 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-89
Author(s):  
Lakshmi Sigurdsson ◽  
Kirsten M. Andersen

The Preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that ‘disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind’. From this point of departure, we argue that philosophical, political, and religious reflections on core concepts such as conscience, freedom, equality, dignity, justice, and peace can help to create an appropriate balance between a normative framework and a non-affirmative approach to human rights education. Teacher students can benefit from philosophical reflection, critical thinking, and individual judgement, as this will enhance the authoritativeness and self-determination of both teachers and learners. In terms of didactics, we consider the potentials of a concept-based approach inspired by the political philosophy of Hannah Arendt and her critical discussion of the perplexities of the rights of man.


2020 ◽  
pp. 9-41
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Jasudowicz

To determine the fate of human rights in extreme situations, the treaties contain a mechanism for derogating from obligations, i.e. derogations from their enforceability in such exceptional situations. The initial and fundamental criterion under which derogation steps are admissible is the existence of an exceptional public emergency that threatens the life of the nation, as referred to in Article 4(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 15(1) of the European Charter of Human Rights, and about which Professor Anna Michalska wrote so competently in 1997. Neither the constitutions of modern states nor their practice of introducing states of emergency are helpful in defining this criterion more precisely; most often, they do not use it at all. Unfortunately, it is not to be found in Chapter XI of the Polish Constitution “States of Emergency”, nor in the laws of 2002 regulating these states. In the practice of the treaty monitoring bodies (Human Rights Committee in the ICCPR system; the European Commission and the Court of Human Rights in the ECHR system), we do not find incontestable nor indisputable indications. The concept of the “nation” is referred to society as a whole and is to be associated with its physical survival. In the author’s opinion, this is not the correct approach, as it is and must be about a “living nation”, a nation effectively exercising its rights. The enslavement of a nation, its subjugation, elimination of opportunities for its self-determination – far from its extermination – can unquestionably meet the requirements of the criterion of a threat to the life of the nation. The study of constitutional law (the nation-sovereign) and international law (the principle and right to self-determination of the nation) unequivocally confirms this thesis.


Author(s):  
David Owen

The relationship of citizenship and human rights has become a central issue for contemporary politics. This chapter begins with a brief overview of theories of human rights, before addressing two pivotal topics for this relationship: a human right to citizenship (as membership of a state) and a human right to democracy. It then turns to consider the practical salience of the international human rights regime for citizenship and human rights, before concluding with a discussion of the relationship of human rights as cosmopolitan norms to the principle of the self-determination of peoples.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-727
Author(s):  
Rhys Carvosso

The international legal right of all ‘peoples’ to self-determination applies indeterminately to minority groups. The limited jurisprudence tends toward an ‘internal’ dimension of the right being available to minorities, to be exercised and negotiated domestically. However, where a state-minority negotiation process fails, the international law of self-determination is inadequate to resolve the ensuing deadlock. Accordingly, this article examines the suitability of minority protections under international human rights law (‘minority rights’) as a supplementary set of rules by which disputes concerning the self-determination of minorities might be resolved. It argues that owing to the strong conceptual and doctrinal overlap between the two areas, the enforcement of minority rights is a suitable strategy for advancing a self-determination claim. However, two bars within existing international human rights enforcement procedures – the non-justiciability of self-determination, and the requirement that complainants must be “victims of a violation” – substantially reduce the utility of this strategy at present.


Author(s):  
Daniel Turp

SummaryIn light of the numerous secessionist claims witnessed by the international community, it is of great interest to ascertain if international law provides for a right of secessionist self-determination. An analysis of treaty provisions encompassing the right of self-determination of peoples, namely the United Nations Charter and the Human Rights Covenants, suggests that the latter treaties consecrate an authentic right to secede. Such a right appears to be unhindered by any customary norm which would prohibit secession as a means of implementation of the right of self-determination of peoples, seeing that the practice of States is clearly divided on the issue of secession. It is submitted, however, that there is a need for more detached criteria with respect to the right of secession, its beneficiaries and its conditions of exercise and, consequently, for an acknowledgement, to the benefit of the international community as a whole, of the legitimacy of national affirmations and secessionist claims.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146-165
Author(s):  
Klisala Harrison

Self-determination is at issue for urban poor participating in jams and music therapy using popular songs in the Downtown Eastside. Self-determination, in one meaning, refers to an individual’s capability to determine his or her own actions. The human right to self-determination refers to legally defined peoples that (seek to) determine their own governance. A people cannot emerge, though, if individuals and small groups cannot self-determine to form a larger social unit. The popular music scene of the Downtown Eastside is a social setting that may block the capability of urban poor to determine their own actions as individuals and in small groups. Some music therapists limit and erode the self-determination of urban poor, coopting the poor’s self-determination of their own music-making and music-learning. Suppression of self-determination also emerged when music jam participants excluded original popular songs composed by other participants. Rejecting original songs suppressed the capabilities involved in creating new music, and human rights included in song creation and performance. Other music facilitators respond to various self-determination tensions among music initiative organizers and participants with the social work method of noninterference adapted to music-making. Many of these examples result in human rights conflicts and violations.


2017 ◽  
pp. 105-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Gregg

I propose a human right to self‑determination for indigenous peoples as a something in each case developed by the indigenous people and valid only if embraced by that people. That is, I approach human rights as social constructs toward (1) arguing for the social construction of indigenous peoples themselves, (2) with certain limits on indigenous rights to autonomy and diversity even as they construct collective rights for themselves, (3) in this way achieving the internal self‑determination of indigenous peoples, whereby an indigenous people would design its own human right to self‑determination without thereby undermining individual rights, (4) by means of a social and political movement that I conceive as a metaphorical «human rights state.»Received: 25 July 2016Accepted: 30 November 2016Published online: 11 December 2017


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