Nasjonale partier og lokale lister i kommunestyrevalgene 2015 og 2019

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-85
Author(s):  
Dag Arne Christensen ◽  
Bjarte Folkestad ◽  
Jacob Aars

The term local party systems suggests that party systems not only vary between municipalities, but that the systems also have a local dimension. This chapter is concerned with the balance between national parties and the local lists in municipal council elections in Norway. We also examine whether municipal amalgamation reform has changed the balance between these types of parties. Our analyses show that the correspondence between the party system in the parliament (“Stortinget”) and in the municipal councils is strong in Norwegian municipalities. One consequence of the municipal reform is that constituencies have become larger (on average), and more representatives are being elected to the municipal councils. By comparing merged and non-merged municipalities over two elections, we find that the reform has contributed to greater party diversity in the municipal councils. This applies both to the supply of lists that stand for election and the number of lists that are represented in the municipal councils. The municipal reform, on the other hand, does not seem to have contributed to greater party diversity in the form of more or fewer local lists.

2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mert Moral

Invalid votes are often considered as simple failure to cast a valid vote. In fact, they might be a rational expression of discontent with party policy offerings. By employing individual and party system-level data on eighteen European party systems, this article focuses on voter discontent and voter apathy as two major determinants of casting an invalid vote and seeks to answer why some voters intentionally waste their votes despite paying the costs of voting. I find that higher distinct policy offerings decrease the probability of casting an invalid vote. However, voting behaviors of politically sophisticated and unsophisticated voters vary conditionally on the diversity of policy offerings and the cost of information. On one hand, when a party system offers a larger set of policy offerings, politically sophisticated voters become less likely to cast an invalid vote and more likely to support niche parties. On the other hand, sophisticated voters cannot deal with increasing cost of information, and are more likely to cast an invalid vote, especially in party systems with compulsory voting where the cost of nonvoting is higher.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 974-975
Author(s):  
Warren Magnusson

Municipal Reform in Canada: Reconfiguration, Re-Empowerment, and Rebalancing, Joseph Garcea and Edward C. LeSage, Jr., eds., Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. ix, 350.This book will be an essential reference for students of local government in Canada. It deals with the most recent period of municipal reform, from 1990 onwards. There are chapters on each of the ten provinces, plus a combined chapter on the northern territories. The editors establish an analytical framework for the book in their introduction, and then try to bring things together in a long concluding chapter. The individual chapters differ somewhat in approach, but the editors were fairly successful in getting the contributors to keep to a common analytical framework. Reading the whole book straight through is a bit of a slog, because there is so much detail; on the other hand, it is handy to have all this material collected together. It will stimulate useful reflection, as much about what is not here as what is.


2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Maciej Rogulski

Rituals are of great importance in politics at every level. Rituals bind society and strengthen their identity. Besides rituals strengthen attach-ment to culture, land and state power. On the other hand state power increases legitimacy by performing respected rituals. There are many interesting ways to classify rituals in the literature on the subject. For the purpose of showing rituals in the political space of the city of Ustka, it seems appropriate to distinguish above all the rituals of a national char-acter and those of a local dimension. In the case concept of the ritual, however, there are no final divisions, and the boundaries that divide them are certainly not impassable.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2018) (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleš Maver ◽  
Darko Friš

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovenian (Abstract in Slovenian and English, Summary in English) Key words: elections in Central-East Europe, former Socialist countries, coalitions, big tent parties, democratization, fragmentation, party systems Abstract: The paper's main aim is to describe the changes experienced by party landscapes of the selected former Socialist countries in the Central-East Europe from the period 1989/91 until 2013. The authors try to explain the situation more than two decades later from the historical point of view. All the electoral premieres during the "Spring of nations" from 1989 till 1991 featured a showdown between the ruling Communists and their successor parties and the newly formed or emerging opposition. The opposition was victorious in all the discussed countries other than Bulgaria and Romania. On the other hand, none of the coalitions or big tent parties from the early 1990s survived next two decades. Only in few cases, really stable party systems emerged until 2010s.


1966 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. H. Morris‐Jones

With Lal Bahadur Shastri's sudden death in Tashkent in January of this year, India faced for the second time within eighteen months the problem of succession to leadership, The task may have been easier on the second occasion: for one thing, it was not a matter, as it had been in 1964, of finding a successor to a man revered for a full generation as a national leader; for another, there was to hand the experience of the first occasion. On the other hand, while Nehru's end had been for long foreseen and considered, and came as the culmination of a period of declining grip, that of La1 Bahadur occurred without warning. Moreover, for all the respect that Shastri had attracted, the atmosphere in which his replacement had to be sought was not that of the somewhat hushed apprehension in which he had been chosen. But while the second succession was thus accompanied by greater noise and bustle, and while the element of conflict and rivalry was now expressed in the taking of a vote to determine the issue, both operations went with every appearance of smoothness. India felt proud, and most of the world relieved, to find that there was a system that could take the strain. But what is that system ?


Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-649
Author(s):  
Benny Geys

A significant international literature has shown that political fragmentation the existence of multiple parties in a governing body - affects policy-making. Indeed, an increase in the number of parties increases the number of viewpoints considered, but on the other hand may also lead to a decrease in government flexibility. This paper first of all shows that Flemish municipalities often have fragmented governments as measured by the number of parties represented in the municipal council and the College of Mayor and Alderman. We also show that this fragmentation at the local level affects policy-making, though not necessarily in the same directions found in the international literature.


2007 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Staffan I. Lindberg

AbstractUsing Sartori's and Mainwaring and Scully's work on consolidation and institutionalization of party systems as touchstones, this article analyses the evolution of party systems with regard to stability and fluidity of legislative party configurations in Africa's democratic states. It examines the key issue of whether there is any stabilization of party systems in Africa today, and if so, under what circumstances such stabilization occurs. This article questions previous studies, arguing that we have not yet sufficiently solved the question of whether party systems as stable interactions exist in Africa. Providing a detailed analysis of elections in Africa's established and emerging democracies, and making a distinction between democratic and undemocratic countries, this study classifies Africa's 21 electoral democracies as fluid, de-stabilized, or stable party systems. A key finding is that institutionalization of these party systems has not occurred over an extended period, but rather, institutionalized party system configurations have been stable from the onset of multiparty elections. Conversely, the other large group of countries with non-institutionalized party systems seems to be perpetually fluid systems despite, in many cases, several successive multiparty elections.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel L. Seiler

The purpose of this article is to create a method for determining regions which is suitable for political science. The criteria proposed to define a “political region” are based on the concepts of political cleavages and party systems. Applying this framework of analysis to Belgium and Switzerland makes it possible to establish two very different kinds of regions. In the case of Switzerland, the proposed political regions do not correspond to linguistic areas but are instead combinations of religious and industrial factors. On the other hand, in the case of Belgium the suggested political regions reflect the tensions among the Flemings, Walloons, residents of Brussels, and German-speaking Belgians.


1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Flinn

Pleas and programs for party responsibility are not new. It is remarkable, however, how little the discussion has advanced. I do not mean that I am surprised that the path of reform has been hard but that knowledge of the subject has not grown in proportion to the length of the discussion. Proponents believe party responsibility introduces desired qualities into the policy process and makes possible rational organization of the electorate in terms of policy. Not much has been done to provide adequate support for either of these propositions. In fact, it is hard to discover a serious effort to put these propositions in some form which would permit a partial but rigorous test. Opponents on the other hand conjure up visions of polarized parties, downtrodden minorities, and multipartyism as the fruits of party responsibility. They are able to make these improbable inferences by working with an exceedingly simple model, by ignoring the functions of party competition and the complex of factors which seem to shape party systems. Some observers less involved in the argument allow that the debate may have some value since it leads to notice of important realities. But, for them, proposed reforms are not to be taken seriously because they are Utopian in two senses: (1) sweeping and incalculable; and (2) out of reach. This view seems to overlook the fact that party responsibility is a matter of degree and that incremental reform is, at least, possible in principle. Finally, very little attention has been paid to factors which may promote or inhibit party responsibility.


1999 ◽  
Vol 173 ◽  
pp. 249-254
Author(s):  
A.M. Silva ◽  
R.D. Miró

AbstractWe have developed a model for theH2OandOHevolution in a comet outburst, assuming that together with the gas, a distribution of icy grains is ejected. With an initial mass of icy grains of 108kg released, theH2OandOHproductions are increased up to a factor two, and the growth curves change drastically in the first two days. The model is applied to eruptions detected in theOHradio monitorings and fits well with the slow variations in the flux. On the other hand, several events of short duration appear, consisting of a sudden rise ofOHflux, followed by a sudden decay on the second day. These apparent short bursts are frequently found as precursors of a more durable eruption. We suggest that both of them are part of a unique eruption, and that the sudden decay is due to collisions that de-excite theOHmaser, when it reaches the Cometopause region located at 1.35 × 105kmfrom the nucleus.


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