Internet Campaigning in an Unfamiliar Context: A Study of the Internet Campaigns of the Two Major Political Parties in the 2015 Nigerian Presidential Election

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Bibobra Aganaba

This thesis addresses the following research question: How can we best understand the effects of internet campaigning on the campaign practices of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 Nigerian Presidential election? This research represents an important contribution to the broader study of internet campaigning; widening the theoretical and empirical scope of the literature. From a theoretical perspective, three major approaches are deployed across the thesis: modernisation, Americanisation, and hybridisation. While all three lenses play an important part in understanding the effect of the internet on Nigerian campaign practices, the hybridisation perspective is particularly important – pointing towards a broader need in the literature to integrate this theoretical emphasis. From an empirical perspective, over 50 original, elite interviews in Nigeria were conducted with members of both parties’ campaign teams and campaign consultants. In analysing these data, the thesis unpacks three sub-questions: How was internet campaigning adopted and adapted by the campaign teams? What factors help to explain variations in the internet campaigns practices of the presidential candidates of the PDP and APC? How did the internet affect the intra-campaign organisational dynamics of the presidential candidates of the PDP and APC? The analysis across these questions concludes that the importance of the 2015 Nigerian online campaign should not be underestimated – it clearly impacted on campaign practices and organisation. However, the nature of this impact falls far short of a full realisation of the potential impact that the web could have exerted. Understanding this reality requires that close attention be paid to the national and party contexts within which internet campaigning was adopted – meaning that a hybridisation perspective is central to explaining how the internet impacts campaign practices in states such as Nigeria.

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryann Erigha ◽  
Camille Z. Charles

AbstractUntil 2008, only White candidates represented either of the two major parties as presidential nominees. Hence, little is known about how race appeals are framed by or against non-White presidential candidates. Barack Obama's election as the Democratic Party nominee allows us to investigate this issue. In this article, we conduct a content analysis of over 160 advertisements from the 2008 U.S. presidential election to examine how race appeals were framed (or countered) by each campaign. We find that the Republican campaign employed implicit racial appeals that played upon stereotypes of non-Whites as “un-American” and “other” and Blacks as “dangerous,” “criminal,” “incompetent,” and “uppity.” In contrast, the Democratic campaign de-emphasized race, portrayed “other” as positive, reinforced American identity, and spoke out against negative advertisements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 122 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-46
Author(s):  
Deeann Grove

Background/Context During the 2016 presidential election campaign, Hillary Clinton was “booed” while speaking at the National Education Association (NEA)'s annual representative assembly. The media suggested this evidenced a weakening of a powerful alliance. Since the NEA first endorsed Jimmy Carter in 1976, the claim that the Democratic party is “a wholly owned subsidiary of the NEA” has persisted. This characterization of the NEA and Democratic Party relationship has become so ubiquitous in political discourse that it is rarely questioned. As a result, the NEA is often portrayed as a powerful political player in national elections, while little evidence supports this conclusion. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This study uses archival evidence to identify the NEA's political influence during presidential election campaigns to provide scholars a more nuanced history as they seek to understand current political happenings. Research Design The historical analysis used internal campaign and NEA documents located in 13 archives housed in six presidential libraries, four university libraries, two state historical societies, and one public policy institute as well as the NEA Collection at The George Washington University. Findings/Results Two factors explain NEA's limited influence on presidential politics despite its significant donations to the Democratic Party. First, Republican candidates used the NEA to attack Democrats as beholden to radical special interest groups. Democrats evidenced the success of this Republican strategy by taking positions the NEA opposed in an attempt to convince voters of their independence. Second, many NEA members did not support the NEA's involvement in party politics because they believed political activism was inconsistent with teacher professionalism or they were conservatives unwilling to support a Democratic candidate. Conclusions/Recommendations As they look to future presidential campaigns, scholars should remember: 1) Republican candidates’ attacks on the NEA have been part of a strategy to convince voters that Democratic candidates were beholden to special interests. Policy differences between Republican candidates and the NEA served as later justification for this strategy rather that its cause. 2) Democratic candidates supporting policies the NEA opposes is not an act of political courage. They have long found the power of the NEA rests not in its endorsement but in the opportunity for voters to see them stand up to this special interest group. Given the NEA's commitment to endorsing a candidate and the Republican strategy, Democrats have been able to challenge the NEA without fearing that it will cost them an endorsement or campaign contributions.


REGIONOLOGY ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-412
Author(s):  
Anna R. Fofanova

Introduction. The article is of relevance due to the beginning of the active phase of the race for the right to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for the 2020 United States presidential election. The range of issues, topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democrats will largely determine the outcome of the 2020 election and therefore will influence the subsequent development of the United States. The objective of the study is to analyze the political rhetoric of the major Democratic Party presidential candidates and the political trends among the ranks of the Democrats, taking place against the backdrop of the election campaign. Materials and Methods. The study was based on the methods of empirical analysis, such as description, synthesis, analogy, classification, and comparison, which made it possible to consider the main characteristics and topics of the political rhetoric of members of the United States Democratic Party. Publications in the media, recordings of public speeches of the Democratic Party members, statistics, sociological polls, and research by Russian and foreign scientists were used as the materials for the study. Results. The author has identified the main topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democratic Party presidential candidates. Issues of public health, education, and ecology have become central topics for the potential Democratic presidential candidates, which is largely due to a significant shift to the left and the role of the left-wing Democrats in the electoral process. The study has revealed a significant degree of political disintegration in the Democratic Party. The major challenge the Democrats are faced with today is to nominate a candidate who will be able to fight back the energetic rhetoric of Donald Trump, retain the traditional electorate of the Democratic Party, and attract new supporters. Discussion and Conclusion. The research results provide an insight into the processes taking place in the Democratic Party at the stage of nominating the Democratic presidential candidate. The data presented in the article will be useful to researchers interested in the history and politics of the United States. The study conducted makes it possible to better understand the current trends in American domestic policies, which largely determine the state of affairs in international relations.


1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 1291-1304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey J. Tucker ◽  
Arnold Vedlitz ◽  
James DeNardo

There is conventional political wisdom that high voter turnout in a U.S. presidential election advantages the majority party. Because the Democratic party has been the dominant party in recent decades, this turnout advantage is often believed to accrue to Democratic presidential candidates. In an article in the June 1980 issue of the Review, James DeNardo challenged this conventional view. Indeed, he claimed that the majority party was likely to suffer with increased turnout when the behavior of core and peripheral voters is taken into account. Harvey J. Tucker and Arnold Vedlitz take issue with DeNardo's reasoning and evidence, and DeNardo embellishes and underscores his original case.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089976402199944
Author(s):  
Jaclyn Piatak ◽  
Ian Mikkelsen

People increasingly engage in politics on social media, but does online engagement translate to offline engagement? Research is mixed with some suggesting how one uses the internet maters. We examine how political engagement on social media corresponds to offline engagement. Using data following the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, we find the more politically engaged people are on social media, the more likely they are to engage offline across measures of engagement—formal and informal volunteering, attending local meetings, donating to and working for political campaigns, and voting. Findings offer important nuances across types of civic engagement and generations. Although online engagement corresponds to greater engagement offline in the community and may help narrow generational gaps, this should not be the only means to promote civic participation to ensure all have a voice and an opportunity to help, mobilize, and engage.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Ileana Dumitru

To calculate the potential impact of grid on the enterprise, one just needs to look back a decade or so ago. Those who remember how LANs developed in company years before the Web was born can easily get a picture of how Grid Computing in corporations may change in the years to come. In the early days of the Internet, there was a strong opposition to linking computers together in a network. Ultimately, however, the Internet has become a ubiquitous tool, and many experts predict the same outcome for Grid Computing on the enterprise. There are still concerns to consider and obstacles to be overcome, but the momentum behind corporate Grid Computing is quickly gathering pace. The integration of Grid Computing technologies into enterprise computing systems can provide a much richer range of possibilities. This integration should provide enhanced capabilities and interoperability to meet current virtual organization demands.


2016 ◽  
Vol 117 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 289-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Massis

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to consider the Internet of Things (IOT) and its potential impact on libraries. Design/methodology/approach – This paper presents a literature review and a commentary on this topic that have been addressed by professionals, researchers and practitioners. Findings – In communicating the issues when comprehending the scope of the IOT, libraries need not succumb to the sometimes near-hysteria that surrounds the rhetoric regarding security and privacy. But, librarians must actively engage in the conversation and its subsequent actions to respond to patrons who use library networks and devices with calm, logical and transparent answers to those questions concerning what they are doing to ensure that security and privacy vulnerabilities are regularly addressed. Originality/value – The value in concentrating on this topic is to provide background and suggest several approaches to security and privacy concerns regarding the IOT.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jacob Weaver

In 2016, the Republican-held Senate refused to hold a hearing on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, sparking outrage among the Democratic Party. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell justified his party’s actions based on what became known as the “McConnell Rule.” This controversial rule holds that during years of presidential elections, when the president and the Senate majority are of different parties, the Senate is not expected to confirm the president’s Supreme Court nominees; but, when the president and Senate majority are of the same party, vacancies may be filled. When the Senate applied this rule in 2020, the stakes were even higher. Revered liberal stalwart Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away only 46 days before the 2020 presidential election. Invoking the McConnell Rule, the Republican-held Senate moved forward with the confirmation of President Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett. This contentious move again infuriated Democrats, and the presidential campaign. Now that Justice Barrett has been appointed and the presidential election has passed, it is useful to look back on the history of Supreme Court nominations during presidential election years. Such a review suggests that the so-called McConnell Rule is rooted in valid historical precedent. In fact, viewed in light of American history, even a Trump lame duck nomination and confirmation would have been valid. This blog post argues that the Senate should distill this historical precedent into an explicit Rule of the Senate that will govern the chamber going forward. The rule should obligate the Senate to either (1) hold a vote to confirm the election-year or lame duck nominee, or (2) hold a vote to postpone action on the nomination. If a vote to postpone action on the nomination fails, the rule should then compel the Senate to hold a vote to confirm the nominee. Such a rule removes all doubt about the Senate’s authority to act or refuse to act on election-year and lame duck nominees, exposes unfounded threats of retaliation by minority parties, and best conforms to the Constitution.


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