Division 18 Newsletter, Fall 2007: Special 2007 APA Presidential Election Issue: APA Presidential Candidates Respond

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-74
Author(s):  
Charles Prysby

Young voters contributed disproportionately to Barack Obama’s presidential victory in 2012. In fact, if the electorate had been limited to those over 30 years old, Mitt Romney might be in the White House today. Obama captured 60 percent of the vote of those under 30, compared to 49 percent of those over 30, according to the national exit polls (Schier and Box- Steffensmeier 2013, 86). A similar pattern characterized the 2008 presidential election: Obama won 66 percent of the vote among those aged 29 or less, but under one-half of voters older than 45 (Pomper 2010, 53). The tendency for younger voters to be disproportionately Democratic emerged in the 2004 presidential election. Prior to that, Democratic presidential candidates did not consistently do better among younger voters. In 2000, for example, Al Gore did as well among older voters as he did among younger voters, and in 1992, Bill Clinton did his best among older voters, as did Walter Mondale in 1984 and Michael Dukakis in 1988 (Pomper 2001, 138; Pomper 1989, 133). 


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Ana Fitriana P ◽  
Ema Ema ◽  
Fardiah Oktariani Lubis

This study aims to uncover the political discourse of the Presidential Candidates after the second round of debates, Jokowi VS Prabowo in virtual space. The background of the political discourse of the 2019 Presidential Election debate in the virtual space gave rise to various responses and sentiments among the supporters. After the Presidential Election debate, the hashtag war between #BohongLagiJokowi and # 02GagapUnicorn on social media Twitter became the main discussion. The aim is to disperse the power, ideology, and interests behind the presidential political discourse through the Fairclough Critical Discourse Analysis. The research method uses qualitative methods to parse the problem in research, using critical thinking as a basis for research. The results showed the tweet of Prabowo supporters trying to show stunts through language. The use of subject pronouns such as the word Mukidi to dwarf the subject, also uses the hashtags #DeletJokowi, #UnistallJokowi, and #BohongLagiJokowi as symbols of virtual communication. In contrast, the tweet of Jokowi's supporters sent a stuttering sentiment because they didn't understand the e-comer business. Hashtag # 02GagapUnicorn as a virtual symbol for organizing texts. In the order of messo or the production of text, the two supporters make a virtual symbol through the hashtag to become a topic of discussion on Twitter. In the situational or macro aspects are influenced by the post-truth phenomenon that is vague information whose source is unclear, have an impact on the inclusion of opinions on the assassination of certain characters. The advice, wise social media, understand and thoroughly source of information, is not affected by the use of certain metaphors, and at the stage of text, production needs to pay attention to the effects that will impact on the influence of social psychology of each supporter.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap diskursus politik Capres pasca debat putaran kedua, Jokowi VS Prabowo di ruang virtual. Dilatarbelakangi oleh lanskap diskursus politik debat Pilpres 2019 di ruang virtual yang menimbulkan berbagai tanggapan dan sentimen di antara kedua kubu pendukung. Pasca debat Pilpres perang tagar antara #BohongLagiJokowi dan #02GagapUnicorn di Twitter menjadi pembahasan utama. Tujuannya untuk membongkar kuasa, ideologi dan kepentingan di balik wacana politik Pilpres melalui analisis wacana kritis Fairclough. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk mengurai masalah dalam penelitian, dengan menggunakan pemikiran kritis sebagai dasar pijakan penelitian. Hasil penelitian menunjukan tweet warganet pendukung Prabowo berusaha menunjukkan pengkerdilan melalui Bahasa. Penggunaan kata ganti subjek seperti kata Mukidi untuk mengkerdilkan subjek, juga menggunakan tagar #DeletJokowi, #UninstallJokowi dan #BohongLagiJokowi sebagai simbol komunikasi virtual. Namun sebaliknya, tweet warganet pendukung Jokowi membuat sentimen dengan kata-kata gagap karena tidak memahami bisnis milenial (e-commerce). Tagar #02GagapUnicorn sebagai simbol virtual untuk pengorganisasin teks, sedangkan di tahapan produksi teks (messo) kedua pendukung membuat simbol virtual melalui tagar (#) untuk menjadi tren topik pembahasan di Twitter. Pada aspek situasional (makro) dipengaruhi oleh fenomena post-truth yaitu informasi-informasi samar yang tidak jelas sumbernya, berdampak terhadap penggiringan opini terhadap pembunuhan karakter tertentu. Sarannya, bijak bermedia sosial, pahami dan teliti sumber informasinya, tidak terpengaruh terhadap penggunaaan metafora tertentu, serta pada tahap produksi teks perlu memperhatikan efeknya yang akan berdampak pada pengaruh psikologi sosial masing-masing pendukung. 


Author(s):  
Ashik Shafi ◽  
Fred Vultee

Presidential campaigns today are increasingly integrating social media such as Facebook as an efficient tool to communicate with the public and organize their supporters. In a bid to explore how the Facebook is used by the politicians during election campaigns, this chapter explored official Facebook posts by two presidential candidates ahead of the 2012 US presidential election. The findings suggest Facebook was used in the campaign as a platform to organize like-minded voters, and reporting a virtual presence to the voters. Facebook was used strategically to resonate with the real-life campaign, and disseminate instant messages, rather than engaging in discussion with the public. The two candidates had only minor difference in the characteristics of their Facebook contents. The implication of the research for the online political agenda-building tactics is discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-160
Author(s):  
Jan Zilinsky ◽  
Cristian Vaccari ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

Michael Jordan supposedly justified his decision to stay out of politics by noting that Republicans buy sneakers too. In the social media era, the name of the game for celebrities is engagement with fans. So why then do celebrities risk talking about politics on social media, which is likely to antagonize a portion of their fan base? With this question in mind, we analyze approximately 220,000 tweets from 83 celebrities who chose to endorse a presidential candidate in the 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign to assess whether there is a cost—defined in terms of engagement on Twitter—for celebrities who discuss presidential candidates. We also examine whether celebrities behave similarly to other campaign surrogates in being more likely to take on the “attack dog” role by going negative more often than going positive. More specifically, we document how often celebrities of distinct political preferences tweet about Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and Hillary Clinton, and we show that followers of opinionated celebrities do not withhold engagement when entertainers become politically mobilized and do indeed often go negative. Interestingly, in some cases political content from celebrities actually turns out to be more popular than typical lifestyle tweets.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary N. Powell ◽  
D. Anthony Butterfield ◽  
Xueting Jiang

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine perceptions of the “Ideal President” (IP) and presidential candidates in the 2016 US presidential election in relation to gender stereotypes and leader prototypes. Design/methodology/approach In all, 378 business students assessed perceptions of either the IP or a particular candidate on measures of masculinity and femininity. Androgyny (balance of masculinity and femininity) and hypermasculinity (extremely high masculinity) scores were calculated from these measures. Findings The IP was perceived as higher in masculinity than femininity, but less similar to the male (Donald Trump) than the female (Hillary Clinton) candidate. IP perceptions were more androgynous than in the 2008 US presidential election. Respondents’ political preferences were related to their IP perceptions on hypermasculinity, which in turn were consistent with perceptions of their preferred candidate. Social implications Trump’s high hypermasculinity scores may explain why he won the electoral college vote, whereas Clinton’s being perceived as more similar to the IP, and IP perceptions’ becoming more androgynous over time, may explain why she won the popular vote. Originality/value The study extends the literature on the linkages between gender stereotypes and leader prototypes in two respects. Contrary to the general assumption of a shared leader prototype, it demonstrates the existence of different leader prototypes according to political preference. The hypermasculinity construct, which was introduced to interpret leader prototypes in light of Trump’s candidacy and election, represents a valuable addition to the literature with potentially greater explanatory power than masculinity in some situations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 978
Author(s):  
Hassan Soleimani ◽  
Maliheh Nouraei Yeganeh

The present paper investigates pragmatic competence by considering some corpora of 2013 Iran presidential debates.The Fararu news source was used for sampling third debate. The present study examined two aspects of pragmatic competence for analyzing the materials. First, Brown and Levinson’s (1987) politeness theory was used to examine the positive and/or negative politeness of each candidate’s speech. Then, the study used the Pearson chi-square formula to examine the frequency of politeness strategies used by candidates. Second, Arundale’s (2010) face theory was used to analyze criticism responses exchanges between the candidates. The researchers assumed that, following the theories, pragmatic competence might have a great effect on election’s outcomes and mitigate the threat to candidates’ face. The findings showed a statistically significant difference between the frequencies of politeness strategies used by Iran’s 2013 presidential candidates. Moreover, there was one by one relation between the mitigating of face threatening acts and face constituting strategies used by candidaes. We hope the findings could add to the body of knowledge in both pragmatics and presidential election context.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryann Erigha ◽  
Camille Z. Charles

AbstractUntil 2008, only White candidates represented either of the two major parties as presidential nominees. Hence, little is known about how race appeals are framed by or against non-White presidential candidates. Barack Obama's election as the Democratic Party nominee allows us to investigate this issue. In this article, we conduct a content analysis of over 160 advertisements from the 2008 U.S. presidential election to examine how race appeals were framed (or countered) by each campaign. We find that the Republican campaign employed implicit racial appeals that played upon stereotypes of non-Whites as “un-American” and “other” and Blacks as “dangerous,” “criminal,” “incompetent,” and “uppity.” In contrast, the Democratic campaign de-emphasized race, portrayed “other” as positive, reinforced American identity, and spoke out against negative advertisements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Fatmawati Fatmawati ◽  
Minangsih Kalsum ◽  
Siti Mahmudah Noorhayati

This article discusses intersection between dakwah and politics in contemporary Indonesia. It demonstrates the use of dakwah as political vehicle in electoral politics by looking at dakwah actors and their methods. Examining valuable sources, mainly online data, the article further concludes that the 2019 presidential election had led to the division within the dakwah actors. They are divided along the lines of presidential candidates and this division resonates clearly though their dakwah activism. From ideological perspectives, this article further finds out that dakwah actors and institutions with Islamist ideology inclines to vote for Prabowo Subijanto, whereas his rival as well as incumbent president Joko Widodo gains a significant support from the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama and the so-called “moderate Islam” had been central issue dividing the two.


Verbum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Roma Kriaučiūnienė ◽  
Jefferey La Roux ◽  
Miglė Lauciūtė

[full article and abstract in English] The subject of the paper is the analysis of the expression of stance taking in an online environment, mainly in the comments of users of social networks such as Facebook and Twitter about the presidential candidates of the American Presidential Election in 2016. The empirical data analysis was carried out following the ideas of J. W. Du Bois (2007), D. Barton & C. Lee (2013) and R. Englebretson (2007) on stance taking and J. W. Du Bois’ (2007) model of stance triangle, i.e. grouping instances of stance-taking into one of these groups: evaluation, affect or epistemicity, which served as the main framework of this study. The work of linguists D. Barton & C. Lee (2013) on the expression of stance-taking in an online environment were also taken into consideration. Having in mind the fact that stance identification is a challenging task , i.e. it could be implicitly as well as explicitly expressed and that it should be inferred from different modes of its expression and interpreted with reference to many contextual and intertextual factors, in the current analysis the authors focused on interpretation of linguistic as well as other multimodal means of the expression of stance that were used by users of social networks in their writing spaces on the topic of the Presidential Election in the United States in 2016. It should also be mentioned that the analysis presented in this article offers only one of the many possible interpretations of the data. Moreover, the current paper concentrates mainly on the presentation of the empirical data of the expression of affective stance. However, it should be indicated that in some cases stance types overlap, i.e. one instance could be treated as both taking an affective and an evaluative stance, as judgements and evaluation (i.e. evaluative stance) are often based on feelings (i.e. affective stance). The main source of the empirical data were the instances of stance taking taken from comments found on Donald Trump’s and Hillary Clinton’s verified Facebook and Twitter pages during their presidential campaigns in 2016. All in all, 147 examples of posts and comments from the social networks Facebook and Twitter were collected: 72 comments incorporating stance taking on Donald Trump‘s posts, and 75 comments including stance taking on Hillary Clinton‘s posts. The results of the empirical data analysis showed that the affective stance was expressed by linguistic as well as multimodal means.


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