Secret Reports on Nazi Germany

Author(s):  
Franz Neumann ◽  
Herbert Marcuse ◽  
Otto Kirchheimer ◽  
Raymond Geuss

During World War II, three prominent members of the Frankfurt School—Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer—worked as intelligence analysts for the Office of Strategic Services, the wartime forerunner of the CIA. This book brings together their most important intelligence reports on Nazi Germany, most of them published here for the first time. These reports provide a fresh perspective on Adolf Hitler's regime and the Second World War, and a fascinating window on Frankfurt School critical theory. They develop a detailed analysis of Nazism as a social and economic system and the role of anti-Semitism in Nazism, as well as a coherent plan for the reconstruction of postwar Germany as a democratic political system with a socialist economy. These reports played a significant role in the development of postwar Allied policy, including denazification and the preparation of the Nuremberg Trials. They also reveal how wartime intelligence analysis shaped the intellectual agendas of these three important German–Jewish scholars who fled Nazi persecution prior to the war. The book features a foreword and a comprehensive general introduction that puts these writings in historical and intellectual context.

Author(s):  
Franz Neumann ◽  
Herbert Marcuse ◽  
Otto Kircheimer ◽  
Raymond Geuss

This introduction discusses the Frankfurt School's contribution to the United States' World War II effort. In particular, it examines the role played by three German scholars and prominent members of the Frankfurt School: Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer. As political analysts at the Research and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the first American intelligence agency, Neumann, Marcuse, and Kirchheimer prepared intelligence reports on Nazi Germany. The chapter considers how, by adapting Critical Theory to the American cultural and bureaucratic machine, the Frankfurt group was rapidly able to impose their own “intellectual guidance” on the Central European Section, a Research and Analysis Branch subdivision charged with analyzing and studying Nazi Germany (as well as Austria and the other Central European countries).


2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 450-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Flores

One of the main constituents of the so-called Islamofascism is, in the eyes of those who subscribe to this conception, the close affinity of Arabs (and sometimes, Muslims) to Nazi ideology and possibly practice. To bolster this notion, its proponents do basically three things: first, they try to prove that a massive majority of Arabs took a pro-Nazi stand during the Third Reich and especially during World War II and that important Arab figures collaborated with Nazi Germany during the War. Secondly, they point to widespread—real and alleged—anti-Jewish beliefs among present-day Arabs. And thirdly, they claim that there is a personal, political and ideological continuity between both phenomena and that, thus, present-day Arab Judeophobia has the same character, scope and possible effect as the anti-Semitism of the Nazis. During the War, so the argument goes, Arab attitudes were part and parcel of Nazi ideology, and they largely retained this quality although, after the War, Nazism was overcome in Europe. In this article, three more recent publications which subscribe to the above mentioned argument will be critically discussed.


Author(s):  
Xavier Heckert

Pervitin is a drug developed in Nazi Germany by the pharmaceutical company Temmler, before the start of World War II. Originally sold without prescription to the population, it was claimed to suppress fatigue, make one more alert, reduce hunger, and help fight depression. The main ingredient of this wonder drug was methamphetamine, the primary component of what we now call crystal meth. This miracle drug’s effectiveness against fatigue caught the attention of the director of the Research Institute of Defense Physiology of the German forces, Dr. Otto Ranke, who considered that fatigue was enemy number one of a soldier during battle. An order of thirty five million Pervitin tablets were purchased for the Wehrmacht’s invasion of France in May 1940 to increase effectivity of the campaign that relied especially on speed for success. History will claim that the use of mobile warfare over positional warfare with Germany’s motorized army, French high command mistakes, and an equipment disadvantage led to the ultimate defeat. My research aims to show that Pervitin was a crucial factor in the iron force of the blitzkrieg by the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe, and that it did not as much come from its tactics, inferiority of the Allies, and employment of mobile warfare but from an army that was blitzed on Pervitin to turn it into a steamroller of a machine that could not be stopped, day or night.


Author(s):  
Tat’yana K. Shcheglova ◽  
Aleksey V Rykov

The war between Nazi Germany and the USSR caused drastic changes in the Soviet system of distribution of goods. Reorientation of factories on military contracts led to diminishing of the centralised production of goods for consumers in rear areas. As a result, consumers cooperative society started to play an important role. The article considers the problems of consumers cooperative society and local enterprises which were its major suppliers. Through the example of pottery and manufacture of wooden sole boots diffi culties of reorganisation of enterprises in the context of war are revealed. The problems of interaction of local enterprises and consumers cooperative society are considered. In conclusion, the author points out that the major problem of reorganisation of enterprises in the context of war was the shortage of raw materials and the signifi cant factor of development was hand-crafted character of anufacturing. A certain problem was created by the reluctance of enterprises to deliver their production at artifi cially low state prices and its poor quality. The consequence of that was the decrease of signifi cance of consumers cooperative society and the increase of the ratio of market trade in provisioning of collective farm peasantry.


2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Antic

This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.


Author(s):  
Ilka Quindeau ◽  
Katrin Einert ◽  
Nadine Teuber
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah

Sweden maintained a policy of uneven neutrality throughout World War II. While the Swedish government initially maintained a strict anti-immigrant policy, attitudes changed once World War II began. When Swedish authorities learned in 1942 that the Germans sought to deport Jews from Denmark and Norway, they aided in the rescue of thousands of Jews from the two neighboring countries. Throughout the war, Sweden maintained diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany. The Nazis sought to have Aryanization policy carried out in Sweden with respect to German-controlled companies operating in Sweden and also for Swedish companies with links to Germany. In the end, however, efforts to Aryanize property in Sweden were not very effective and did not have a major impact on the economic well-being of Swedish Jews. Sweden endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.


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