Can You Hear Us Now? Why Republicans Are Listening to the Tea Party

Author(s):  
Christopher S. Parker ◽  
Matt A. Barreto

This chapter evaluates the proposition that the Tea Party promotes political mobilization beyond other factors known to promote activism. It appears as though the Tea Party and its supporters have the potential to convert their sentiments into public policy. The principal vehicle for doing this is through political mobilization, pressuring public officials to represent one's interests. Social movements exist not just to bring attention to their issue, but also to capture the attention of public officials, often by promising to elect or eject from office key allies and opponents. Based on their activism and political success in 2010, the Tea Party appears to be the most recent exemplar of the type of social movement capable of sparking political participation.

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>


Author(s):  
Julen Figueras

This chapter analyses the Spanish social movement of the 15M, and the influence of Information and Communication Technologies on it. Drawing a distinction between liberal and republican citizenship, the first part of the chapter discusses the interactions between technology and social movements in terms of political participation. This part compares and contrasts characteristics of online-based interactions with offline mobilisations in Spain. The second part of the chapter compiles a set of features that can be found in current Internetworked Social Movements, and its meaning from the perspective of political engagement. The chapter concludes that ICTs contributed to the recuperation of republican politics with current examples that suggest that forthcoming movements will promote this kind of participation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-509
Author(s):  
Joan Donovan

Taking networked social movements as a fieldsite, I chart how the Occupy Movement transformed as activists turned to building infrastructure as a mode of political participation. Critically, infrastructure is not simply a feature of networked social movements, but forms its core capacities. Integrating insights from militant ethnography with STS research on infrastructure studies, I illustrate how to use these methods to render visible the infrastructure of networked social movements. Because militant research projects and STS scholarship have a dual role of making knowledge about as well as knowledge for participants, examining the epistemological foundations of social movement research requires understanding the researcher’s purpose for participating and, then, operationalizing their knowledge. To illustrate this, I introduce cybercartography, a theory/methods package, for mapping organizational change in order, scale, and scope across networked social movements. As such, cybercartography bridges academic knowledge production with activists’ goals to organize action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-156
Author(s):  
Malaena J. Taylor ◽  
Mary Bernstein

This article integrates theory on contentious movements and racism to develop what we call the “stigma neutralization model,” which explains how activists challenge stigmatizing identities in order to build a positive collective identity. Using original ethnographic research, we examine the response of a local Tea Party group to charges of racism. If a social movement is seen as racist, their political efficacy may be damaged. By analyzing backstage identity work, we illustrate that the strategies involved in distancing both activists and the movement from charges of racism reflect broader cultural understandings of the U.S. as being a post-racial or “colorblind” society. Our stigma neutralization model illustrates how activists deny, deflect, and distract from charges that activists are racist, thus maintaining and reproducing racist ideology, while reconstituting both individual and movement identities as unspoiled and racially tolerant. We discuss the implications of our findings for antiminority majority social movements more generally.


Caderno CRH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (87) ◽  
pp. 623
Author(s):  
Sandra Gomes ◽  
Joana Moura ◽  
Jenair Alves

<p>A partir da discussão sobre o grau de efetividade da participação social na formulação de políticas públicas, este artigo apresenta um caso de sucesso em que parte das demandas de movimentos sociais entra na agenda governamental e se torna uma política. Para fazer a análise do Plano Juventude Viva – uma política com foco nos homicídios de jovens negros e no racismo institucional –, o estudo adota uma estratégia analítica que combina teorias de movimentos sociais e participação com teorias sobre políticas públicas. O histórico de construção dessa agenda temática pelos ativistas de movimentos e dos apoios recebidos revela como o problema dos homicídios de jovens negros se tornou uma pauta prioritária em fóruns participativos. Em seguida, o artigo mostra o momento em que se abre uma janela política, gerando uma oportunidade para ativistas, na burocracia estatal, de explorar a inserção dessa temática na agenda governamental. A análise da configuração institucional da arena decisória no governo e dos atores ali presentes, por fim, explica a política final adotada e seu conteúdo. A contribuição da análise institucional para a explicação da efetividade é um achado que sugere uma possibilidade analítica para a agenda de pesquisa sobre participação e políticas públicas.</p><p> </p><p>THE BLACK SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN THE FORMATION OF THE GOVERNMENTAL AGENDA: a case study of the Plano Juventude Viva</p><p>Based on studies analyzing social participation effectiveness into public policy formulation, this article presents a case of success in which part of the demands from social movements were adopted as a government policy. In order to analyze the “Young Persons Living Plan” – a policy focusing on the high levels of homicide among young black people in Brazil and on institutional racism – this study adopts an analytical strategy which combines theories of social movement and participation with public policy theories. The historical construction of this issue by social movement activists and also the support received by other political actors reveals how the issue of homicide among black youths became a priority agenda in participatory forums. Subsequently, the article shows the moment where a political window is opened which produced an opportunity for activists inside the state bureaucracy to explore the entering of the issue into the government agenda. Finally, the analysis of the institutional configuration of the decision-making arena within the government apparatus and of the political actors involved in the process explains the final public policy adopted and its substantive content. The contribution of the adopted institutionalist perspective to explain effectiveness is considered to be a useful finding for the research agenda on participation and public policies.</p><p>Keywords: Social movements. Social participation effectiveness. Decision-making arenas. Young Persons Living Plan Brazil. Multiple streams model.</p><p> </p><p>LE MOUVEMENT SOCIAL NOIR DANS LA FORMATION DE L’AGENDA GOUVERNEMENTAL: une étude de cas du Plano Juventude Viva</p><p>A partir de la discussion sur le degré d’efficacité de la participation sociale dans la formulation de la politique publique, cet article présente un exemple de réussite où une partie des revendications des mouvements sociaux sont entrées dans le programme du gouvernement et devenues une politique. Pour ce faire, l’analyse du Plan Jeunesse Viva – une politique axée sur les homicides chez les jeunes noirs et le racisme institutionnel – notre recherche adopte une stratégie d’analyse qui combine les théories des mouvements sociaux et de la participation avec les théories des politiques publiques. L’histoire de la construction de ce programme thématique par les militants des mouvements et le soutien reçu révèle comment le problème des homicides des jeunes noirs est devenu une priorité au programme des forums participatifs. Ensuite, l’article montre à quel moment le politique s’ouvre à la revendication, créant ainsi une opportunité pour les militants appartenant à la bureaucratie d’Etat de mettre cette question à l’ordre du jour du gouvernement. L’analyse de l’organisation institutionnelle de la structure de prise de décision au sein du gouvernement ainsi que des acteurs présents, explique la politique finale adoptée et son contenu. L’objet de l’analyse institutionnelle que nous avons aadoptée pour expliquer l’efficacité est de trouver ce que suggère une capacité d’analyse à la recherche d’ordre du jour sur la participation et la politique publique.</p><p>Mots-clés: Mouvements sociaux. Efficacité de la participation sociale. Arénas de décision. Plan Jeunesse Viva Brésil. Modèle de flux multiples.</p>


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa M. Brough ◽  
Sangita Shresthova

Fan activism lies at the intersection of cultural and political participation. The study of fan activism can inform our understanding of contemporary collective action more broadly. We suggest four key areas for analysis: the relationships between cultural and political participation; the tension between participation and resistance in the context of fan activism; affect and the role of content worlds in civic and political mobilization; and evaluation of the impacts of fan activism. By drawing on work across several disciplines including media studies and social movement literature, the analysis of fan activism through these lenses offers insights for theorizing contemporary cultures and modes of collective action.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Daniel Bourmaud

Two types of social movements characterized by the causes they advocate for and the means implemented, without fully excluding each other, are currently sweeping across France. Facing a category of social movement embodied primarily by the figure of the «Gilets jaunes» whose material claims dominate, another type of movement is gaining strength focusing mainly on promoting principles that fall more under values and «vivre ensemble» (living together), such as gender issues and those concerning Islam. These differences translate into a differentiated use of the means of struggle. The former primarily rely on their physical presence in the streets and the latter on their pervasiveness in cyberspace through social media. This divergence affects their ability to make their goals prevail. Social movements prioritizing nonmaterial causes aligned with the ruling elite’s – the elite bloc – culture and ideology manage easily to place their actions on the Government’s agenda. However, the movements of «peripheral France» such as the «Gilets Jaunes» find a faint echo among the ruling class and are marginalized in terms of public policy- making.


Author(s):  
Jesse Klein

Semantically, “activist” and “activism” are convenient descriptors for participants in social movements and are commonly used by social movement scholars. This study demonstrates, however, that these labels obscure the complex decisions participants make in negotiating their involvement. Few researchers examine the importance of deconstructing traditional assumptions of activist identities and the nuances in activist negotiation and identification. Using qualitative research methods, this paper explores whether social movement participants engage in complex identity negotiations wherein they interactionally situate and critically assess their involvement. This research draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 58 social movement participants from two local-level, contemporary social movements: The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Movements. Respondents provided complex narratives about their activist and non-activist identities, which became apparent through analyzing the interviews using thematic coding. The findings show that respondents do negotiate their identities along a spectrum from activist to non-activist through interaction with other participants and critical assessment of their own involvement. These findings also reveal that the process of differential activist identification has short- and long-term implications for participant involvement and collective identity where disagreements over the activist label can fracture the organization and sustainability of a movement. By assessing the ways movement participants identify with activism and how they use their identification through interaction to promote or deconstruct group solidarity, we can begin to explore the consequences of this type of identity politics for contemporary social movements.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Wald ◽  
Jeffrey C. Corey

When social movement activists achieve an institutional position at the policymaking table, does their political behavior moderate with the norms of that institution? We explore this question by examining the behavior and attitudes of Christian Right activists appointed to serve on the 1997–98 Florida Constitutional Revision Commission (CRC). This commission was marked by an unusually high degree of conflict between three factions—Democrats, business-oriented Republicans, and socially conservative Republicans associated with the Christian Right. We found that by maintaining an outsider, purist political style, the commissioners with Christian Right ties were ineffective, isolated, and estranged from the mainstream Republicans on the CRC. The former remained true to their outsider status, behaving more like purist social movement activists than public officials with professional orientations. While these Christian Right elites adapted outwardly to some institutional norms for strategic purposes, they did not assimilate wholly to the demands of conventional political interchange.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (184) ◽  
pp. 403-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Sander

This article argues that social movement research must be renewed by a historical-materialist perspective to be able to understand the emergence and effects of the relatively new climate justice movement in Germany. The previous research on NGOs and social movements in climate politics is presented and the recent development of the climate justice movement in Germany is illustrated. In a final step two cases of climate movement campaigns are explained by means of the historical-materialist movement analysis proposed by the author.


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