Forging the Franchise

Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

In the 1880s, women were barred from voting in all national-level elections, but by 1920 they were going to the polls in nearly thirty countries. What caused this massive change? Contrary to conventional wisdom, it was not because of progressive ideas about women or suffragists' pluck. In most countries, elected politicians fiercely resisted enfranchising women, preferring to extend such rights only when it seemed electorally prudent and necessary to do so. This book demonstrates that the formation of a broad movement across social divides, and strategic alliances with political parties in competitive electoral conditions, provided the leverage that ultimately transformed women into voters. As the book shows, in competitive environments, politicians had incentives to seek out new sources of electoral influence. A broad-based suffrage movement could reinforce those incentives by providing information about women's preferences, and an infrastructure with which to mobilize future female voters. At the same time that politicians wanted to enfranchise women who were likely to support their party, suffragists also wanted to enfranchise women whose political preferences were similar to theirs. In contexts where political rifts were too deep, suffragists who were in favor of the vote in principle mobilized against their own political emancipation. Exploring tensions between elected leaders and suffragists and the uncertainty surrounding women as an electoral group, the book sheds new light on the strategic reasons behind women's enfranchisement.

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.


Author(s):  
Jacob R. Gunderson

Scholars have long been concerned with the implications of income inequality for democracy. Conventional wisdom suggests that high income inequality is associated with political parties taking polarized positions as the left advocates for increased redistribution while the right aims to entrench the position of economic elites. This article argues that the connection between party positions and income inequality depends on how party bases are sorted by income and the issue content of national elections. It uses data from European national elections from 1996 to 2016 to show that income inequality has a positive relationship with party polarization on economic issues when partisans are sorted with respect to income and when economic issues are relatively salient in elections. When these factors are weak, however, the author finds no relationship between income inequality and polarization.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (S1) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Wendy Reijmerink

Introduction:National health research funders are accountable to the public with regard to the societal impact of the research, including health technology assessment (HTA), that they fund. Failing to do so can not only negatively affect public trust in the allocation of resources to funding agencies, but can also lead to public mistrust in science.Methods:We present the results of reducing research waste to ensure societal responsible research, both at an international and national level. In the Netherlands, the National Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw) developed an analytical framework to assess its research programs, including the national HTA program.Results:An evaluation of 12 national funding agencies in Australia, Europe and North America demonstrated that certain processes (e.g. how research questions are prioritized or decided) are not transparent. At the international level, health funders believe that they have a joint responsibility not just to seek to advance knowledge, but also to advance the practices of health-related research and research funding. In the Netherlands, ZonMw (HTA) research programs perform well regarding addressing societal relevance (e.g. stakeholder participation) and reasonably well on scientific quality (e.g. international cooperation and knowledge sharing). Efficiency (e.g. encouraging use of existing data and systematic reviews) appears to be less well developed, while integrity (e.g. preventing publication bias) is underexposed.Conclusions:Although ZonMw is doing reasonably well in terms of reducing research waste, it was concluded that more focus on societal impact assessment is needed. To do so funding agencies need to collaborate with all relevant stakeholders. This is especially relevant in the field of HTA where the ambition is to move from evidence to impact.


Author(s):  
Asha Neravi ◽  
Voorkara Udayashree ◽  
Ashwitha Gundmi

Background: The nationwide Family Planning Programme was started in India in 1952, making it the first country in the world to do so. In spite of this about 56% eligible couples in India are still unprotected against conception. Even after 63 years of national level family planning programme there exists a KAP- GAP i.e. a gap between the knowledge, attitude and practices regarding contraception. Hence this study to reassess where we stand and also use it as an opportunity to increase the awareness, sensitize and motivate the eligible couples for contraceptive use and decrease the KAP-GAP.Methods: A structured questionnaire was given to postnatal breastfeeding mothers attending Outpatient department Obstetrics and gynecology and Pediatrics and postnatal wards of Sri Dharmasthala Manjunatheshwara College of Medical Sciences and Hospital, Dharwad from 1 November 2014 to 1 October 2015, and results tabulated.Results: In this study 48.4% of the mothers knew that exclusive breast feeding could be used as a method of contraception. About 54.6% mothers used one or the other type of contraception during breastfeeding. Most practiced contraception being condom followed by Cu-T. A very small number of mothers considered oral contraceptive pills and injectable contraception in the form of Depot-Provera.Conclusions: In most of the women attitude towards use of family planning method was satisfactory but there exists disparity between the knowledge and practice of contraception.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-274
Author(s):  
Bozena Welborne

Abstract This paper considers examples of women successfully running as independents at the national level in the Middle East, investigating how existing electoral systems impacted their ability to contest political office. Women in the region face a host of challenges when it comes to launching political campaigns outside of sociocultural norms. Most extant literature on political participation focuses on parties as the primary vector for female participation in the Global North and South. However, women in the Middle East often cannot rely on this mechanism due to the absence of political parties or existing parties’ unwillingness to back women for cultural reasons. Yet, the region hosts many female independents holding office at the national level. Through the cases of Jordan, Egypt, and Oman, I unpack this phenomenon using an institutional argument and assess what the emergence of such candidates bodes for the future of women in the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Elise Massicard

This chapter explores the partial, and at times total, failure of mobilizations via mechanisms aiming to neutralize the political weight of identity within political parties. In Turkey, identity politics has become a means of claiming and proclaiming particularist rights since the 1980s, although such questions are often settled and regulated outside “legitimate” policies. Demands based on issues of identity—which are illegal—are quasi-taboo for the political parties, which are reluctant to become public relays for these sorts of demands, particularly on the national level. The parties consider the identity dimension as a central parameter in their relations with voters, however, and they incorporate it for this purpose, particularly in terms of personnel management of candidates and party officials. In order to face this double constraint, they use specific modes of communication that are characterized by connotation and ambiguity.


1978 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kolson

It is by now conventional wisdom among political scientists that political parties are not the noxious weeds they were once thought to be. Undeniably, parties have hastened the development of democracy in the West and continue to serve vital functions in modern states. Most political scientists would agree too that the emergence of regular party competition is only possible among those peoples who have acquired a measure of political sophistication. A country with nourishing parties is a country that has matured to the point of being able to tolerate dissent, and a country with inchoate or languishing parties is a country that must be consigned to the ranks of the “underdeveloped” or the perverse. Party development, then, is often regarded as a measure of political development, and both of these as indexes to modernization or democratization.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document