The Management of Identities in and by Turkey’s Political Parties

Author(s):  
Elise Massicard

This chapter explores the partial, and at times total, failure of mobilizations via mechanisms aiming to neutralize the political weight of identity within political parties. In Turkey, identity politics has become a means of claiming and proclaiming particularist rights since the 1980s, although such questions are often settled and regulated outside “legitimate” policies. Demands based on issues of identity—which are illegal—are quasi-taboo for the political parties, which are reluctant to become public relays for these sorts of demands, particularly on the national level. The parties consider the identity dimension as a central parameter in their relations with voters, however, and they incorporate it for this purpose, particularly in terms of personnel management of candidates and party officials. In order to face this double constraint, they use specific modes of communication that are characterized by connotation and ambiguity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-428
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.


Res Publica ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Joan Hart ◽  
Bruno De Witte

The article compares the attitude of the Irish Fianna Fait, the Flemish Volksunie, and the coalition of the Rassemblement Wallon and the Francophone Brussels' PDF, towards Europe and their programmes for the European elections.These parties do not define themselves on a socio-economic or religious basis, as most of the other European political parties do, but give ideological priority to the ethnic or national factor. Does this imply a common and distinctive attitude to European integration ?The answer must be no; they disagree not only on sectoral policies, but their fundamental outlook is different.  FDF-RW and VU, on the one hand, though bitter opponents on the national level, both favour a federal Europe, in order to promote autonomy for their respective regions.Fianna Fait on the other hand, white recognizing the political and economic importance of Europe, is sceptical on the institutional level.  Fianna Faits approach is essentially pragmatic, being a government party identifying its interests with the national interest, whereas the Belgian federalists cannot identify themselves with the existing Belgian state.  Therefore it is unlikely at present that Fianna Fait wilt leave its European allies - the Gaullists - to join a hypothetic regionalist grouping in European Parliament.


Author(s):  
Arijit Munshi

<p><em>Contemporary India has experienced several movements. Separate state movement(s) is one of them by a particular community, Rajbanshi. Generally this movement has started to get a specific identity of the community. From the late nineteenth century it was started by a leader called Panchanan Burma. Slowly this movement has mixed with Indian national politics. And now it has taken an important role in contemporary parliamentary vote politics. To ensure the political stand the upper strata of leaders of Rajbanshi separate state movement have sketched their parties (political and non-political) in the northern districts of West Bengal and adjacent part of Assam. There are many political parties and associations within ‘the movement’. These parties and associations are – Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA), Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA, it is a political party), Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) and Greater Coochbehar Democratic Party (GCDP). </em></p><em>            The present paper wishes to explore the facts of contemporary identity politics of Rajbanshis in Coochbehar and also highlights the distribution of power within the political and non-political parties or association in the region. Data has been collected from ten villages selected from the Coochbehar district during 2010 to 2016. Secondary data was also used. Section I deals with regional identity and power. Section II deals with political parties or associations and their structural formation which helps them to establish this regional identity in recent times. Section III deals with politics of forum and also highlights the fact of distribution of power within the northern districts of west Bengal.</em>


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (70) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonás Chaia De Bellis

En este trabajo se analizaron las características organizacionales del Partido Autonomista Nacional argentino, entre 1862 y 1916, con atención especial en la competencia entre sus facciones territoriales y en el uso político de los recursos estatales. El periodo se reconstruyó desde un abordaje histórico-político, y se encontró que el resultado de la competencia entre facciones fue el desarrollo de instituciones estatales de alcance nacional, pero que al mismo tiempo, el empleo de esos recursos para la obtención de lealtad y adhesión de las facciones locales causó que la institucionalización del partido fuera débil. Discutiendo con las principales teorías sobre partidos políticos, un aporte de este trabajo es la conceptualización del partido como un “partido estatal de facciones”.Territorial power and state resources: the National Autonomist Party during the formation of the Argentinian state, 1862-1916In this paper the organizational characteristics of the Argentinian National Autonomist Party, between 1862 and 1916, were analyzed, with the main focus on the rivalry between its territorial factions and on the political use of state resources. This period was reconstructed from a historical-political approach, and it was found that the result of the rivalry between factions was the development of national-level state institutions, but, at the same time, the use of these resources to win allegiance and adherence from local factions led to a weak institutionalization of the party. After discussing the main theories on political parties, a contribution of this paper is the conceptualization of the party as a “factional state party”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-432
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-290
Author(s):  
Nikolai Grishin

This paper views the regional political opposition in Post-Soviet Russia as a specific phenomenon that contradicts the practices of the existing political regime and differs from the opposition at the national level. The Russian regional opposition is considered in the context of the heterogeneity of the political process at the federal and sub-national levels: it is a phenomenon that is more relevant to a democratic regime than a hybrid authoritarian polity. The article analyzes the methods used by the authorities to limit the abilities of the regional opposition. Due to institutional factors, the opportunities of the provincial opposition are restricted at all levels. Federal political parties are used as a means of suppressing the regional opposition. Nevertheless, the Russian regional opposition remains intact and it has the potential to disrupt the power vertical and the orderly system of the hybrid regime.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Storz

This book provides an in-depth overview of the development of cantonal right-wing parties in Switzerland in terms of their populist approaches. It focuses on the parties’ political style by applying a newly developed index on right-wing populism. This measurement tool is a strong argument for a gradual understanding of populism. It shows that, especially in a Swiss context, political parties differ from canton to canton and era to era. Additionally, the political style a party adopts on a national level does not necessarily have to be the same as that which it adopts on a cantonal level. Moreover, the index values show that they are a more valid tool for measuring populism than the share of votes itself.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-255
Author(s):  
Abd A'la ◽  
Ahwan Mukarrom ◽  
Mukhammad Zamzami

This article analyzes the contributions of the kiais who are members of the Aliansi Ulama Madura (AUMA) in responding to Islamic and publicity issues in the Pamekasan region. This organization was born after the stagnation of the Badan Silaturahmi Ulama Pesantren Madura (BASSRA) organization in guarding the issues of religiousness and Islam. They are committed to fighting for Islamic da‘wah which is kāffah; an agenda to optimize the concept of amr ma‘rūf nahy munkar collectively and sincerely in order to uphold the motto of the development of Pamekasan based on Islam. In the field of Islam, their vision is to anticipate and avoid Indonesia, especially the Madurese, from all kinds of deviations of teachings and religious beliefs, both Shī‘ah, Wahabi, Liberal, and Blasphemy (SYIBILIP). Not only in the field of Islam, but this organization also contributes in the political sphere. This can be referred to the strategic roles and functions of those who actively involve themselves in many political dynamics, both at the regional and central levels. At the regional level, the political roles and strategic functions of these organizations are clearly illustrated in the political cooperation they build with elite political parties at the regional level. While at the national level, the strategic role of this organization is indicated by their involvement in national leadership contestation. [Artikel ini menganalisis kontribusi para ulama yang tergabung dalam wadah Aliansi Ulama Madura (AUMA) dalam merespons isu keislaman dan keumatan di wilayah Pamekasan. Organisasi ini lahir pasca mandeknya organisasi Badan Silaturahmi Ulama Pesantren Madura (BASSRA) dalam mengawal isu keumatan dan keislaman. Mereka berkomitmen memperjuangkan dakwah Islam kāffah; sebuah agenda menjalankan amr ma‘rūf nahy munkar secara kolektif dan demi menegakkan jargon pembangunan Pamekasan yang berasaskan Islam. Dalam bidang keislaman, visi mereka adalah mengantisipasi dan menghindarkan Indonesia, khususnya masyarakat Madura, dari segala ragam deviasi ajaran dan paham kegamaaan, baik Shī‘ah, Wahabi, Liberal, dan penistaan agama (SYIBILIP). Tidak hanya bidang keislaman, AUMA juga bergerak di wilayah politis. Hal ini dapat dirujuk pada peran dan fungsi strategis mereka yang aktif melibatkan diri dalam banyak dinamika politik, baik di level daerah maupun pusat. Di level daerah, peran dan fungsi strategis politik organisasi ini terilustrasi secara jelas dalam kerja sama politik yang mereka bangun bersama elit partai politik di tingkat daerah. Sedangkan di level nasional, peran strategis organisasi ini mereka tunjukkkan melalui keterlibatan diri dalam kontestasi kepemimpinan nasional.]


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martien Herna Susanti

The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (8) ◽  
pp. 996-1018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Beer ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell

Democracy and the protection of human rights generally go together, but not in India. India is an outlier in the cross-national research that aims to explain human rights performance. Using state-level subnational data and drawing on the approaches pioneered at the cross-national level, the authors examine the reasons for the outlier status. Their findings suggest that the aggregate whole-nation human rights and democracy scores misrepresent the political experience of much of India. The authors find that participation, political parties, and the level and nature of opposition threat help us understand the incidence of human rights violations within India.


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