Introduction

Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner

This chapter provides a background of the journeys across the postwar Americas to uncover the mid-century world to which David Lilienthal belonged and the unseen possibilities that lay within it. It starts from the idea that the fate of the US welfare state and Latin American developmental states cannot be understood in isolation from one another. Lilienthal belonged to a generation of North Americans who threw their energies into the Third World after 1945, and their work overseas did more than remake foreign lands; it shaped the possibilities of policy making at home. Within the Western Hemisphere, long exchanges between US and Latin American societies endowed their political economies with some of the same internal contradictions. When the crises of the 1970s and 1980s came, the divergent promises that they harbored became vividly apparent. The mobilization of the right and the explosive conflicts of those decades did not simply substitute one set of ideas for another, obliterating all that came before. Instead, they sorted out the elements of midcentury mixed economies, destroying some practices, redeploying others, and retrospectively redefining them all as emblems of two different eras.

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-711
Author(s):  
Roberta Rodrigues Marques da Silva ◽  
Rafael Shoenmann de Moura

ABSTRACT This article investigates comparatively the recent developmental dynamics of four East Asian political economies: Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and China. We analyze how the critical juncture engendered by the systemic crisis of the US subprime impacted on its State capabilities, particularly regarding industrial policy, being mediated by the respective regulatory and institutional frameworks. Additionally, we compare the impacts of the 2008 crisis and the previous Asian regional crisis of 1997. Our findings indicate that State capabilities, associated to the historical construction of a Developmental State, were a central feature to understand the resilience of each political economy.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdul Tawab Khalil ◽  
Saifullah Jan ◽  
Wajid Ali ◽  
Adnan Khan

Pregnancy, as a matter of fact, is always physically and emotionally challenging for women. Rapid physical changes with baby's growth in the womb exposes the mother to severe mood swings from short spell of merriment to long spells of anxiety and depression about upcoming child's health, its wellbeing, and so on. Most of the third world countries with their struggling economies have patriarchal social fabric, a fact that makes it worse for women of these societies to healthily tackle or seek help during gestation. The main goal of the proposed application, MothersCare, is to help the expecting mothers when they need it most. It will help them choose the right physician and request appointments from the comfort of homes, barring cumbersome wait for turn in long queues in rush hours for appointments with doctors at hospitals. This app is absolutely user-friendly in terms of simplicity of use and wide spectrum of maternal healthcare services it offers.


2000 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Friedrich Katz

In the eyes of many North Americans, Mexico is above all a country of immigration from which hundreds of thousands hope to pass across the border to find the promised land in the United States. What these North Americans do not realize is that for thousands of Latin Americans and for many U.S. intellectuals, Mexico after the revolution of 1910-1920 constituted the promised land. People persecuted for their political or religious beliefs—radicals, revolutionaries but liberals as well—could find refuge in Mexico when repressive regimes took over their country.In the 1920s such radical leaders as Víctor Raúl Haya De La Torre, César Augusto Sandino and Julio Antonio Mella found refuge in Mexico. This policy continued for many years even after the Mexican government turned to the right. Thousands of refugees from Latin American military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay fled to Mexico. The history of that policy of the Mexican government has not yet been written.


1975 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Emerson

The new Asian and African states have laid much stress on human rights, but have often not lived up to them. The basic right of self-determination has been limited to colonies only. Democratic institutions have generally given way to authoritarian regimes, often run by the military, with popular participation denied rather than encouraged. The right to life, liberty, and security of person has been grossly violated in the cases of millions of refugees, temporary and permanent, in Africa and the Asian subcontinent. Many hundreds of thousands have been killed in domestic conflicts, as in Indonesia, Nigeria, and Burundi. One of the results is the emergence of a double standard: an all-out African and Asian attack upon the denial of human rights involved in colonialism and racial discrimination, but a refusal to face up to massive violations of human rights in the Third World itself.


1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM H. MEYER

This article seeks to test certain hypotheses drawn from structural communications theory, hypotheses that tend to support the call for a New World Information Order (NWIO). Structural theorists such as Johan Galtung and NWIO advocates from the Third World have charged that developing nations are dependent upon the West for international news. News dependency, in turn, is said to lead to the adoption of Western news values and subsequent cultural imperialism in the South. Finally, news dependency is said to be neocolonial in the sense that information flows through “vertical” channels (from North to South) and within distinct spheres of communication hegemony. These claims are tested with a news flow study drawn from African and Latin American dailies. Results of the empirical tests show that the Third World is dependent on Western agencies for the bulk of its international news, and that Third World newspapers reflect the news values of Western prestige dailies. Nonaligned newswires, however, are shown to be more resistant to journalistic westernization, as their coverage is markedly different from that of the Western wire services. Finally, news flow patterns do exhibit a pronounced neoimperial character. Agencies from the United States, Great Britain, and France each hold sway over their own regional domains within the Third World.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (41) ◽  
pp. 331-349
Author(s):  
Luiza Mader Paladino

A filósofa Otília Arantes nomeou O ponto de vista latino-americano o corpus crítico de Mário Pedrosa produzido após o desterro chileno, durante o governo de Salvador Allende (1970-1973). Nesse conjunto de textos, observa-se a recuperação de tradições que não haviam sido capturadas pela historiografia oficial, como as práticas e os saberes oriundos da cultura popular e indígena. Essa interpretação pode ser identificada em obras como Discurso aos Tupiniquins ou Nambás e Teses para o Terceiro Mundo, nas quais o crítico se amparou em um repertório terceiro-mundista partilhado no exílio. O autor exaltou uma leitura ancorada na inversão geopolítica, a qual localizou nos países situados ao sul uma fagulha revolucionária capaz de deflagrar a almejada transformação social e econômica. Essas obras-manifesto sintetizaram praticamente todo o discurso crítico, político e museológico que Pedrosa sustentou ao voltar para o Brasil, em 1977.Palavras-chave: Exílio; Terceiro Mundo; Arte latino-americana; Mário Pedrosa; Arte popular. AbstractThe philosopher Otília Arantes named The critical corpus of Mário Pedrosa produced after the Chilean exile during the Salvador Allende government (1970-1973) from The Latin American Spot. In this set of texts, there is a recovery of traditions that had not been captured by official historiography, such as the practices and knowledge derived from popular and indigenous culture. This interpretation can be identified in works such as Speech to the Tupiniquins or Nambás and Theses for the Third World, in which the critic relied on a shared Third World repertoire in exile. The critic praised a reading anchored in the geopolitical inversion, which located in the countries located to the south a revolutionary spark capable of triggering the desired social and economic transformation. These manifesto works synthesized practically all the critical, political and museological discourse that the author sustained when he returned to Brazil in 1977.Keywords: Exile; Third world; Latin American art; Mário Pedrosa; Popular art.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stan Draenos

Andreas Papandreou’s exile politics, following his December 1967 release from Averoff Prison, have stereotypically been seen as simply adopting the neo-Marxist ideologies associated with the Third World national liberation movements of the era. In narrating the initial evolution of his views on the “Greek Question” in exile, this study attempts to surface the underlying dynamics responsible for radicalizing his politics in that direction. Those dynamics reflect, on the one hand, the relentless will-to-action informing Papandreou’s political persona and, on the other, the political upheavals, headlined by the protest movement against the US war in Vietnam, in which his politics were enmeshed.


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