scholarly journals МУСУЛЬМАНЕ «ТОЯНОВА ГОРОДКА»

Author(s):  
Evgenij Vodyasov

В статье публикуются итоги исследований мусульманских захоронений на могильнике «Тоянов городок», который является одним из самых ранних памятников ислама в Нижнем Притомье. Делается вывод, что в середине – второй половине XVII в. на кладбище сосуществовали две разные группы мусульманских захоронений. Первая группа мусульманских захоронений объединяет безынвентарные погребения с положением умерших головой на северо-запад с доворотом лица направо. Сделан вывод, что эта традиция не характерна для погребального обряда Нижнего Притомья и является привнесенной с территории Тарского Прииртышья. Появление на «Тояновом городке» захоронений с северо-западной ориентацией связано с переселением в окрестности Томска чатских татар в первой трети – середине XVII в. Для второй группы характерно соблюдение киблы положением умершего головой на юго-восток с доворотом лица налево. Инвентарь в этих захоронениях присутствует, что отражает пережитки доисламских верований. Происхождение этой группы захоронений объясняется трансформацией местного погребального обряда. Во второй половине XVII в. происходит исчезновение курганного способа захоронения, и растет количество безынвентарных погребений в связи с укреплением новой веры. При этом в обряде фиксируются пережитки доисламских верований, что само по себе закономерно для распространения любой религии в мире. Автор приходит к заключению, что на рубеже XVII–XVIII вв. исчезает обычай укладывать умерших головой на юго-восток, и «северо-западная» кибла вытесняет местную традицию. В начале XVIII в. в погребальном обряде происходят существенные перемены: окончательно исчезают курганные насыпи, могилы становятся глубже, появляются ниши (подбои), чего не отмечалось в более ранних мусульманских некрополях. Перемены связаны с прибытием мусульманского населения из Поволжья и Предуралья и их расселением в Татарской Слободе. С начала XVIII в. вплоть до рубежа XIX–XX в. мусульманский обряд унифицировался и существовал в неизменном виде.The article presents the results of research on Muslim burials in the hillfort named ‘Toyanov gorodok’ – one of the oldest Islamic sites in the Lower Tom region. The conclusion is drawn that in the middle to the second half of the seventeenth century, two different groups of Muslim burials coexisted here. The first group of the Muslim burials encompasses graves with no inventory, with the deceased placed with their heads to the north-west and their faces turned to the right. It is concluded that this tradition is not consistent with the burial rite spread in the Lower Tom and was brought in from outside, namely, the Tar Irtysh region. The emergence of such burials in the Toyanov Gorodok was associated with the settlement of the Chat Tatars on the outskirts of Tomsk in the first third to the middle seventeenth century. Characteristic of the second group was the placement of the deceased according to the Qiblah, with the head turned to the south-east and the face turned to the left. Some inventory was found in these burials, which is indicative of pre-Islamic beliefs. The origins of this group are accounted for by the transformation of the local burial rite. In the second half of the seventeenth century, the kurgan type of burials disappeared, whereas the number of burials with no inventory grew due to the strengthening of the new faith. At the same time, the vestiges of pre-Islamic beliefs can be seen in the burial rite, which in itself is natural for the spread of any religion in the world. The author concludes that at the turn of the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries, the rite of placing the deceased with their heads to the south-east ceased to exist, and the ‘Qiblah north-west orientation’ replaced the local tradition. In the early eighteenth century, the burial rite changed significantly: the kurgan type of burials ceased to exist completely, the graves became deeper, and grave niches started to appear which were not reported to be found in older Muslim necropolises. These changes were connected with the arrival of the Muslim population from the Volga and the Ural regions and its settlement in the Tatar Sloboda. From the early eighteenth century up until the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth centuries, the Muslim rite was consolidated and remained unchanged since.

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (s1) ◽  
pp. s90-s100
Author(s):  
George F.G. Stanley

In July 1875, the Hon. Alexander Morris, lieutenant-governor of Manitoba and the north-west, received a letter from Lawrence Clarke, the Hudson’s Bay Company factor at Fort Carlton, informing him that a serious state of affairs had arisen on the south branch of the Saskatchewan and strongly pressing for a detachment of the mounted police. This letter mentioned the establishment of a permanent half-breed settlement at St. Laurent and stated that the half-breeds had “assumed to themselves the right to enact laws, rules and regulations for the Government of the Colony and adjoining country of a most tyrannical nature, which the minority of the settlers are perforce bound to obey or be treated with criminal severity.” The “president” of this government was Gabriel Dumont, who was alleged to have coerced various “freemen” and Indians on the plains by seizing the property of, and levying fines upon, those who refused to acknowledge his authority. The letter continued with a statement that the Indians, too, were assuming a hostile attitude and urged that “unless we have a certain protective force stationed at or near Carlton, the ensuing Winter, I cannot answer for the result, serious difficulties will assuredly arise and life and property be endangered.”


1977 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 163-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Liesegang

In the early eighteenth century a Venda kingdom stretched from the Limpopo in the north to the Olifants or even Ngwenya (Crocodile) in the south and included the much smaller area now inhabited by the Venda. The main evidence for the existence of this polity comes from data on the Venda gathered between 1723 and 1730 by the Dutch at Delagoa Bay. The most substantial of these sources, part of which has been transcribed and translated here, is the so called ‘report of Mahumane’, an African from the chiefdom of Mpfumo near the Dutch trading factory who had visited the Venda king in 1727/28 and who named a number of rivers which can still be identified. Mahumane's account supports Venda traditions of an earlier and larger state, a tradition whose validity has sometimes been questioned in the last decades. The report shows that from the early eighteenth to the second half of the nineteenth centuries cultural and political changes occurred which influenced the identification of groups by outsiders and to some extent also their own self-identification. In turn this suggests that it is not always safe to project groups and polities as they existed in the second half of the nineteenth century into the remoter past.The report also contains some information on the Lemba and on the northern and eastern neighbors of the Venda. In order not to raise false hopes I might add that Mahumane's account contains no information on the identity of the royal lineage of the Venda in the 1720's and earlier.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Rudenko ◽  
Kateryna Grek

The creative work of Dr. Myron Korduba (1876 - 1947) is revealed in his fundamental geographical research "Territory and population of Ukraine" (1918). The article covers the well-grounded and clearly defined by scientists the boundaries of the ethnographic territory of Ukraine as a whole, as a foundation for establishing the political boundaries of the future Ukrainian state.  Only those counties (which are the primary territorial unit of assessment) where the proportion of Ukrainians exceeds 50% of the total population, or when the Ukryayans in these counties are quantitatively dominant, are the first among other nationalities, are referred to the "continuous Ukrainian ethnographic territory" by Dr. Myron Korduba. The basis for determining the boundaries of "ethnographic Ukraine" by Dr. Myron Korduba was the materials of the all-Russian 1897 population census and a similar population census in Austria-Hungary in 1900. In the ethnographic borders of Ukraine defined by scholars, almost 9/10 of the total territory accounted for "Russian Ukraine", about 8% - for "Austrian", less than 2% - for "Hungarian Ukraine". The population of Ukraine within its ethnographic borders, according to Myron Korduba, in January 1914 amounted to more than 46 million souls, of which 86% lived within Tsarist Russia, about 13% - in "Austrian Ukraine", more than 1% - in "Hungarian Ukraine. ". The ethnic composition of the population of "ethnographic Ukraine": 71.0% - Ukrainians, 11.7% - Great Russians, 8.2% - Jews, 4.5% - Poles, 1.9% - Germans, 0.9% - Volokhs, 1.8% - other nationalities. The most important result of Dr. Myron Korduba's geographical study is the definition of the northern, eastern, southern and western borders of the "continuous Ukrainian territory", the so-called "ethnographic borders of Ukraine". In the north-west, scientists outline them as follows: Brest, Kobrin, Bielsk counties of Grodno province; in the north - Pinsk and the southern part of Mozyr district of Minsk province, then - northeast of Ovruch - the northern border of Kiev province to the Dnieper - then along the Dnieper to the north of its tributary Sozh and the basin of the river Snov. The Great Russian-Ukrainian border stretched: from the upper Snov to the mouth of the Sudota River, which flows into the Desna, then - east along the administrative border between Chernihiv and Orel provinces, then - Ukrainian were Grayvoronsky, Novo-Oskolsky, Putivelsky and the southern part of Sudzhansky district of Kursk. province. In the southern part of the Voronezh province - in Biryuchensky, Bogucharsky, Valuysky, Ostrogodsky and in the south of Pavlovsky counties Ukrainians "live in continuous masses…". Then the border ran along the watershed of the Potudan and Saena rivers to the Don, and in the Don Army Region Ukrainians predominated only in Rostov and Taganrog counties. Myron Korduba referred to the Kuban region, Blagodarensky and Svyatokhrestovsky districts of Stavropol as "continuous Ukrainian territory". "Ethnographic Ukraine" in the south included Berdyansk, Melitopol and Dnieper counties of the Tavriya province, all counties of the Kherson province (except Odessa). In Austria-Hungary, the Ukrainian-Wallachian border ran west from Novoselytsia near Chernivtsi to the Suceava-Zolota Bystritsa River. In Hungary, the Ukrainian ethnographic territory included separate parts of the Maramarosky, Ugotsky, Berezky, Uzhsky, Zemplinsky, Sharyshsky, and Spysky counties. The south-western and western wedges of the Ukrainian ethnic territory were located on the right bank of the Poprad - Hrybiv - Horlytsia - Zhmyhorod - Yasolky - Ivanych - Rymaniv - north of Sanok - upper Xiang - Dinov - stream Rokytnytsia - Sinyava - mouth of Zolota - north to the Russian-Galician . Finally, in the northwest, in the newly formed Kholm province, Ukrainians constituted an absolute majority in Bielsko, Volodavsk, Hrubieszów, and Konstantinów, with an overwhelming majority in Kholm and Zamość counties. Key words: Myron Korduba, ethnographic borders and population of Ukraine.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 311-323
Author(s):  
Michael A. L. Smith

This article examines the way in which English Protestants of the post-Restoration period translated the affective precepts of the Bible into their own devotional practice. In so doing, it challenges persistent narratives that have understood late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century religion as languishing under an apparent ‘reaction against enthusiasm’. By examining the language used in the life-writings of English Protestants in the north-west of England c.1660–c.1750, it demonstrates how biblical discourses on feeling were translated into lay and clerical accounts of their devotional practice. Drawing upon the work of Thomas Dixon and Barbara Rosenwein, the article shows the centrality of biblical injunctions to feeling within sermons and personal devotional practice. Moreover, it exhibits the manner in which affective discourses in the Book of Psalms in particular were used and translated into everyday religious experience. The Bible is shown as a text of affective instruction for the individuals discussed here.


1764 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 141-144

My Lord, As I had reason to believe, from a calculation made from the best lunar tables, that the north-west limit of the annular appearance, in the late great eclipse of the Sun, would pass but a few miles to the South-west of the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, I thought myself indispensably obliged, to leave Oxford, where my employment then called me;


Author(s):  
A., C. Prasetyo

Overpressure existence represents a geological hazard; therefore, an accurate pore pressure prediction is critical for well planning and drilling procedures, etc. Overpressure is a geological phenomenon usually generated by two mechanisms, loading (disequilibrium compaction) and unloading mechanisms (diagenesis and hydrocarbon generation) and they are all geological processes. This research was conducted based on analytical and descriptive methods integrated with well data including wireline log, laboratory test and well test data. This research was conducted based on quantitative estimate of pore pressures using the Eaton Method. The stages are determining shale intervals with GR logs, calculating vertical stress/overburden stress values, determining normal compaction trends, making cross plots of sonic logs against density logs, calculating geothermal gradients, analyzing hydrocarbon maturity, and calculating sedimentation rates with burial history. The research conducted an analysis method on the distribution of clay mineral composition to determine depositional environment and its relationship to overpressure. The wells include GAP-01, GAP-02, GAP-03, and GAP-04 which has an overpressure zone range at depth 8501-10988 ft. The pressure value within the 4 wells has a range between 4358-7451 Psi. Overpressure mechanism in the GAP field is caused by non-loading mechanism (clay mineral diagenesis and hydrocarbon maturation). Overpressure distribution is controlled by its stratigraphy. Therefore, it is possible overpressure is spread quite broadly, especially in the low morphology of the “GAP” Field. This relates to the delta depositional environment with thick shale. Based on clay minerals distribution, the northern part (GAP 02 & 03) has more clay mineral content compared to the south and this can be interpreted increasingly towards sea (low energy regime) and facies turned into pro-delta. Overpressure might be found shallower in the north than the south due to higher clay mineral content present to the north.


Author(s):  
Daniel R. Melamed

If there is a fundamental musical subject of Johann Sebastian Bach’s Mass in B Minor, a compositional problem the work explores, it is the tension between two styles cultivated in church music of Bach’s time. One style was modern and drew on up-to-date music such as the instrumental concerto and the opera aria. The other was old-fashioned and fundamentally vocal, borrowing and adapting the style of Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, his sixteenth-century contemporaries, and his seventeenth-century imitators. The movements that make up Bach’s Mass can be read as exploring the entire spectrum of possibilities offered by these two styles (the modern and the antique), ranging from movements purely in one or the other to a dazzling variety of ways of combining the two. The work illustrates a fundamental opposition in early-eighteenth-century sacred music that Bach confronts and explores in the Mass.


1979 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Jenkins

In the seventeenth century, one of the Catholic strongholds of Britain had lain on the southern Welsh borders, in those areas of north Monmouthshire and southern Herefordshire dependant on the Marquis of Worcester at Raglan, and looking to the Jesuit mission at Cwm. Abergavenny and Monmouth had been largely Catholic towns, while the north Monmouthshire countryside still merited the attention of fifteen priests in the 1670s—after the Civil Wars, and the damaging conversion to Protestantism of the heir of Raglan in 1667. Conspicuous Catholic strength caused fear, and the ‘Popish Plot’ was the excuse for a uniquely violent reaction, in which the Jesuit mission was all but destroyed. What happened after that is less clear. In 1780, Berington wrote that ‘In many [counties], particularly in the west, in south Wales, and some of the Midland counties, there is scarcely a Catholic to be found’. Modern histories tend to reflect this, perhaps because of available evidence. The archives of the Western Vicariate were destroyed in a riot in Bath in 1780, and a recent work like J. H. Aveling's The Handle and the Axe relies heavily on sources and examples from the north of England. This attitude is epitomised by Bossy's remark on the distribution of priests in 1773: ‘In Wales, the mission had collapsed’. However, the question of Catholic survival in eighteenth-century Wales is important. In earlier assessments of Catholic strength (by landholding, or number of recusants gaoled as a proportion of population) Monmouthshire had achieved the rare feat of exceeding the zeal of Lancashire, and Herefordshire was not far behind. If this simply ceased to exist, there was an almost incredible success for the ‘short, sharp’ persecution under Charles II. If, however, the area remained a Catholic fortress, then recent historians of recusancy have unjustifiably neglected it.


1929 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Toynbee

The paintings in the triclinium of the Villa Item, a dwelling-house excavated in 1909 outside the Porta Ercolanese at Pompeii, have not only often been published and discussed by foreign scholars, but they have also formed the subject of an important paper in this Journal. The artistic qualities of the paintings have been ably set forth: it has been established beyond all doubt that the subject they depict is some form of Dionysiac initiation: and, of the detailed interpretations of the first seven of the individual scenes, those originally put forward by de Petra and accepted, modified or developed by Mrs. Tillyard appear, so far as they go, to be unquestionably on the right lines. A fresh study of the Villa Item frescoes would seem, however, to be justified by the fact that the majority of previous writers have confined their attention almost entirely to the first seven scenes—the three to the east of the entrance on the north wall (fig. 3), the three on the east wall and the one to the east of the window on the south wall, to which the last figure on the east wall, the winged figure with the whip, undoubtedly belongs.


1987 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 182-182
Author(s):  
Reynold Higgins

A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.


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