Liberal Totalitarism: The Foundation of the Conceptual Synthesis

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 421-431
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin
Keyword(s):  
Harvard University ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
System Evolution ◽  
Methodological Basis ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Original Practices ◽  
Number Of Authors

The article is devoted to the problem of transformation of the ideology and practices of the globalist ultra-liberalism in the socio-political model of liberal totalitarianism. The first signs of the Western system evolution in that direction were noted and described by A.I. Solzhenitsyn when delivering the commencement address at Harvard University. The author of the article offers a review of the bibliography on the problem that highlights the key approaches of a number of authors, representing different niches of the political spectrum. As part of the review the author determines the connection of liberal totalitarianism with the phenomenon of pseudo-science, institutions of global superpower, the ideology of anti-morality, sophistical discourse of postmodernism, as well as the implementation of the new totalitarian model, consisting in the transition from the constant and sophisticated consciousness manipulation technology to the spiritual and physical dehumanization. On the basis of the synthesis of the foreign and domestic philosophy achievements and original practices, the author distinguishes a wide range of the specific characters of the liberal totalitarianism model that can serve as conceptual and methodological basis for the modern political regimes classification.

scholarly journals Political Regimes and External Voting Rights: A Cross-National Comparison

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián A. Umpierrez de Reguero ◽  
Inci Öykü Yener-Roderburg ◽  
Vivian Cartagena
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
External Voting ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
National Comparison ◽  
Political Spectrum

In this article, we analyze the nexus between political regimes and external voting rights. Using a global longitudinal dataset, we report that higher levels of inclusion and contestation bring higher probabilities that a state adopts and implements emigrant enfranchisement. Taking outliers from our quantitative assessment, we then further examine two liberal democracies, Ireland and Uruguay, and two electoral autocracies, Turkey and Venezuela. These country cases reveal three mechanisms that shed light on the strategic role of political elites in explaining the relation between political regime type and emigrant enfranchisement. First, the democracies under study show us that in certain contexts with a relatively large diaspora size and in which part of the political spectrum is hesitant about the political orientation of nonresident citizens, emigrant enfranchisement is neither necessarily promulgated nor implemented. Second, the autocracies illustrate that when the diaspora favors (or is perceived to favor) the incumbency, then external voting rights are extended; otherwise, third, they are withheld or limited for nonresident citizens.

Political Theory and Political Action in Karl Mannheim's Thought: Reflections upon Ideology and Utopia and Its Critics

1981 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Ashcraft
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Major Obstacle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Dominant Influence

As a work of political theory, Ideology and Utopia has satisfied almost no one. Mannheim's critics extend across a wide range of viewpoints, from Parsons, Merton, Bendix, Popper, and Shils on one side to Marcuse, Hork-heimer, Lukacs, and Adorno on the other. Neither Marxists nor non-Marxists have found much to their liking in the book, and the rather easy dismissal of Mannheim's arguments by such influential thinkers on both sides of the political spectrum has certainly constituted a major obstacle to any serious consideration of the position he developed in Ideology and Utopia. For, I shall argue, the arguments contained in that work, when they have not been neglected altogether, have been poorly understood by those individuals whose writings exercise a dominant influence upon the thinking of contemporary social scientists.

The Politics of Organic Farming: Populists, Evangelicals, and the Agriculture of the Middle

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
laura sayre
Keyword(s):  
Organic Agriculture ◽  
Organic Food ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Organic Farmers ◽  
Certified Organic ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The One

This article examines the political allegiances of the organic food and farming movement, asking whether the widespread media assumption that organic agriculture is a leftist cause is correct. Despite the enthusiasm with which organic food advocates welcomed the election of President Obama in 2008—and despite the fact that the geographical distribution of certified organic farms in the United States maps closely against states and counties voting Democratic in the 2008 Presidential elections—a wide range of historical and contemporary evidence suggests that political and social conservatives have long formed an important element within the organic movement's ranks. A distinction is drawn between the politics of organic consumers and the politics of organic farmers, although both groups are shown to include vocal supporters from both ends of the political spectrum. Ultimately, organic farming's political shape-shifting is linked to its mobilization of agrarian ideology, which can be seen as both a strength and a weakness for the movement. On the one hand, organic agriculture shows signs of capturing a political authority and authenticity long associated with America's heartland; on the other hand, a hard-line conservative approach to food and farm policy leaves major social and environmental issues associated with agriculture unaddressed.

Typologization of security regulation

2020 ◽  
pp. 20-27
Author(s):  
Denis Tikhomirov
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Procedural Understanding ◽  
Limited Ability ◽  
Methodological Basis ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Legal Understanding

The purpose of the article is to typologize terminological definitions of security, to find out the general, to identify the originality of their interpretations depending on the subject of legal regulation. The methodological basis of the study is the methods that made it possible to obtain valid conclusions, in particular, the method of comparison, through which it became possible to correlate different interpretations of the term "security"; method of hermeneutics, which allowed to elaborate texts of normative legal acts of Ukraine, method of typologization, which made it possible to create typologization groups of variants of understanding of the term "security". Scientific novelty. The article analyzes the understanding of the term "security" in various regulatory acts in force in Ukraine. Typological groups were understood to understand the term "security". Conclusions. The analysis of the legal material makes it possible to confirm that the issues of security are within the scope of both legislative regulation and various specialized by-laws. However, today there is no single conception on how to interpret security terminology. This is due both to the wide range of social relations that are the subject of legal regulation and to the relativity of the notion of security itself and the lack of coherence of views on its definition in legal acts and in the scientific literature. The multiplicity of definitions is explained by combinations of material and procedural understanding, static - dynamic, and conditioned by the peculiarities of a particular branch of legal regulation, limited ability to use methods of one or another branch, the inter-branch nature of some variations of security, etc. Separation, common and different in the definition of "security" can be used to further standardize, in fact, the regulatory legal understanding of security to more effectively implement the legal regulation of the security direction.

Satu Kahkonen and Anthony Lanyi. Institutions, Incentives, and Economic Reforms in India. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2000. 516 pages. Hardback. Price Indian Rs 595.00.

2001 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-74
Author(s):  
Attiya Y. Javed
Keyword(s):  
Reform Process ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Social Rules ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Rural Governance ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Economic Landscape ◽  
Number Of Authors

The economic reform process began in India in 1991. However, the reform agenda is still far from its goals as is evident from low per capita income. Thus, this reform effort has not produced the desired outcome of a faster rate of economic and social development in a meaningful way. It is the premise of this volume that to transform the social and economic landscape, the proposed reforms should be broadbased and multi-pronged which take into account incentives for the stockholders in both the private and public sectors. The institutions are the rules that govern economy and include the fundamental legal, political, and social rules that establish the basis for production, exchange, and distribution. The two editors of this volume have received contributions from a number of authors and the wide range of papers are grouped under five main headings: political economy of reforms, reforming public goods delivery, reform issues in agriculture and rural governance, and reforming the district and financial sector.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

ROUPAS COMO CORPOS: O AGENCIAMENTO POLÍTICO DO VESTUÁRIO POR CHRISTIAN BOLTANSKI / Clothes as bodies: the political agency of clothing by Christian Boltanski

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (39) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Angélica Adverse
Keyword(s):  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Historical Document ◽  
Central Idea ◽  
Political Experience

O artigo aborda o agenciamento das roupas no trabalho do artista Christian Boltanski. Partindo da dimensão do poder dos corpos têxteis, analisaremos como as roupas investem-se das palavras emudecidas dos corpos ausentes, constituindo-se como alegoria do testemunho e do documento histórico. A ideia central é pensar como as roupas explicitam a aniquilação humana provocada pelos regimes políticos totalitários. Analisaremos como as instalações Prendre la Parole (2005) e Personnes(2010) desvelam a presença-ausência da vida-morte na experiência política do discurso têxtil.  Palavras-chave: Roupas; Corpos; Agenciamento; Política; Memória.AbstractThe article addresses the agency of clothes in the work of the artist Christian Boltanski. Starting from the dimension of the power of the textile bodies, we will analyze how the clothes invest themselves with the muted words of the absent bodies, constituting themselves as an allegory of the testimony and of the historical document. The central idea is to think about how clothes make explicit human annihilation brought about by totalitarian political regimes. We will analyze how the installations Prendre la Parole (2005) and Personnes (2010) reveal the presence-absence of life-death in the political experience of textile discourse.Keywords: Clothes; Bodies; Agency; Politics; Memory. 

Tribunes and Patricians: Fringe Parties in the 21st Century

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Full Text ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Structural Shifts

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210

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