scholarly journals Francisco Suárez y la tradición del Contrato social

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Schwartz Porzecanski
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Francisco Suarez ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Social Contract Theorist ◽  
Mode Of Production

RESUMENesisten importantes discrepancias entre los intérpretes acerca de si Francisco Suárez fue un teórico del contrato social. En buena medida, este desacuerdo tiene que ver con la relación entre el consentimiento constitutivo (por el cual la comunidad política es creada) y la obligación política. De acuerdo con una interpretación de Suárez, el consentimiento constitutivo no crea obligación política; más bien tal obligación corresponde a la comunidad política en virtud de la clase de entidad que es(igual que las personas tienen sus derechos de autonoía por ser personas). Argumento en contra de esta interpretación de Suárez al proponer que los efectos del consentimiento constitutivo deberían ser comprendidos a la luz del tratamiento que ofrece Suárez de "actos operativos" como votos, promesas y juramentos. Defiendo que muchos de los pasajes de Suárez han sido incorrectamente interpretados como apoyo de una lectura organicista, cuando en realidad corresponden al planteamiento que hace de la causación moral.PALABRAS CLAVEFRANCISCO SUÁREZ, CONSENTIMIENTO, OBLIGACIÓN POLÍTICA, CONTRATO SOCIAL.ABSTRACTInterpretars disagree on whether Francisco Suárez was a social contract theorist. Much of this discrepancy turns on the relation between constitutive consent (that consent by wich the political community is created) and political obligation. According to one interpretation of Suárez, it is not constitutive consent that creates political obligation. Rather, such obligation belongs to the political community by virtue of he sort of being that it is (just as persons have self-rule rights by virtue of being persons, independently from their mode of production). I argue against this interpretation of Suárez by suggesting that the effects of constitutive consent should be understood in light of Suárez's treatment of "operative acts"such vows, promises, and oaths. i establish that many of Suárez's phrases incorrectly deemed as supportive of an organicist reading, bellong, in fact, to Suárez's treatment of moral causation KEYWORDSFRANCISCO SUÁREZ, CONSENT, POLITICAL OBLIGATION, SOCIAL CONTRACT

Francisco Suárez on Consent and Political Obligation

Vivarium ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
Close Inspection ◽  
Francisco Suarez ◽  
Social Contract Theorist ◽  
The City

AbstractInterpreters disagree on the origin that Francisco Suárez assigns to political obligation and correlative political subjection. According to some, Suárez, as other social contract theorists, believes that it is the consent of the individuals that causes political obligation. Others, however, claim that for Suárez, political obligation is underived from the individuals' consent which creates the city. In support of this claim they invoke Suárez's view that political power emanates from the city by way of "natural resultancy". I argue that analysis of Suárez's less studied De voto and De iuramento reveals that, for Suárez, consent causes both the city and the citizen's political obligation. Moreover, close inspection of the notion of causation by natural resultancy within Suárez's metaphysics shows that what emanates from the body politic in this fashion is not, as claimed, political subjection and political obligation, but rather the city's right to self-mastership. Because for him political obligation does originate in consent it is not incorrect to regard Suárez as a social contract theorist.

Staging Emile: Audience and Genre in Collective Self-Legislation

2019 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-408
Author(s):  
Boris Litvin
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Reading Experience ◽  
Community Or ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Collective Self

AbstractRousseau's interpreters often disagree over whether the Emile prepares its protagonist for membership in the Social Contract’s political community or presents him as an alternative to it. I argue that such attempts to determine the compatibility of Rousseau's different “projects” obscures his broader engagement with his contemporary popular audiences—particularly those associated with the theater and the novel—and the political implications therein. In contrast to the above debate, I turn to Emile to argue that in this work Rousseau attempts to shape readers in distinct and crucial ways. Emile does not simply present precepts to be embraced but intervenes into the underlying communicative dynamics that need to obtain for Rousseau's conception of collective self-legislation. It does so by shifting between the theatrical and novelistic generic conventions identified in his prior engagements with popular audiences, thus generating a reading experience that orients readers to continuously revisit their constitution as a collective audience.

scholarly journals Tacit consent and costs of non-entry into the political community

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Savanović
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Contract Theory ◽  
Semantic Analysis ◽  
Social Contract Theory ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Tacit Consent ◽  
Claiming Discrimination ◽  
Practical Sense

This paper offers an analysis of an issue related to the social contract theory The issue concerned is disagreement in the form of tacit consent. Namely, if we accept the model of tacit consent, then an issue of costs of this disagreement is raised. These costs cannot be treated in the same way as in the case of express consent. The reason is that, in the case of tacit consent, a person does not have same chances and opportunities as others. This offers a possibility of claiming discrimination, especially if we accept the fact that these costs can be so high so that they deny the possibility of choice. At least in a practical sense and de facto. So, this topic must be understood properly if we want the social contract theory to function well. In this paper, we will try to do that through a logical and semantic analysis of basic terms: tacit consent, disagreement, and costs of contract.

scholarly journals Rousseau's Conception of Government in the work Discourse on Political Economy

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Petar Jakopec
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Major Work ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Right

In this article the author problematizes Rousseau’s Discourse on Political Economy and his conception of government in the political community. Rousseau’s Discourse on Political Economy was chronologically written seven years before his major work The Social Contract or Principles of Political Right. Regardless of the fact that the Discourse on Political Economy was published earlier, it left a remarkable trace in Rousseau‘s philosophical opus. In this work, which was published as part of the fifth volume of Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment, Rousseau indicated his direction in political philosophy. This philosophical and political direction began with the Discourse on Political Economy and culminated in the philosophical and political conception of republicanism, elaborated in detail in The Social Contract. In this article the author uses critical analysis and reconstruction to establish Rousseau‘s fundamental ideas about his political philosophy present in the Discourse on Political Economy, with a focus on observing and studying the role of a sovereign and the public economy in the function of the government by general will within the political community.

The Justification of Political Obligation

2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoltan Balazs
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Political Ideal

Empirically, there are many types of justification of political loyalty. Political theory helps one think about the most popular and empirically effective conceptions more consistently. To achieve this, the essay is structured around three main questions that will be asked of six typical strategies of justification. First, how strong is the political obligation that the political community can expect from its citizens? Second, how is political obligation related to other duties and obligations? The third question is to what degree can it be extended over to other citizens? The six justifications to be considered are the following: (1) conflict resolution, (2) mutual advantages, (3) natural or identity-based bonds, (4) a universal moral-political ideal, (5) participation (republicanism), and (6) mission. Political philosophers and citizens with strong political preferences will see how and to what extent their preferences are reconcilable with one or more of these strategies of justifying political obligation.

scholarly journals Rousseauist foundations of Schmitt's concept of (total) state

Sociologija ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-236
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Molnar
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Historical Society ◽  
The Social ◽  
Methodological Tool ◽  
Total State

In this paper the author discusses Carl Schmitt's concept of 'the political' (das Politische), and his constitutional teaching (Verfassungslehre). He is trying to explain that the logic of Schmitt's argument against liberal democracy and in favor of populist democracy follows all the important conclusions made by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his Social Contract, with only one exception. Schmitt was, namely, reluctant to accept that the social contract ever occurred in any historical society and he believed that it could not be used even as a methodological tool, because it has no meaning in the very foundations of political community. Rousseau's statements on 'general will', 'people', and immediate democracy Schmitt found more attractive for his purposes of designing the model of total state.

scholarly journals CONSIDERAÇÕES DE ARENDT SOBRE O CONCEITO DE VONTADE GERAL DE ROUSSEAU

Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 172-183
Author(s):  
José João Neves Barbosa Vicente
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Life Forms ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Fundamental Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social

A vontade geral é um conceito fundamental no pensamento político de Rousseau; é através desse conceito que Rousseau pensa a comunidade política “legítima”, como descrita em Do contrato social, em que a liberdade de cada indivíduo é protegida e preservada. Arendt, no entanto, não compartilha dessa ideia e considera o conceito de vontade geral como descrito por Rousseau uma ameaça à política; ele a enfraquece e a destrói, uma vez que não permite a manifestação da liberdade através de ação e do debate de opiniões entre iguais. Não se pode admitir e nem aceitar ideias ou práticas políticas que tentam homogeneizar as formas de vida humana, que tentam excluir ou controlar a diversidade de opiniões. Defender a ideia de um povo homogêneo que compartilha de uma vontade geral como descrita em Do contrato social, não significa fortalecer a política, mas sim atentar contra a pluralidade humana que dá sentido à comunidade política. A proposta do presente artigo é discutir o posicionamento crítico de Arendt em relação ao conceito de vontade geral de RousseauPALAVRAS- CHAVE: Vontade geral. Rousseau. Pluralidade humana. Liberdade. Arendt. ABSTRACTThe general will is a fundamental concept in Rousseau's political thinking; It is through this concept that Rousseau thinks the "legitimate" political community, where each individual's freedom is protected and preserved. Arendt, however, does not share this idea and considers the concept of general will as described by Rousseau, a threat to politics; it weakens and destroys it, since it does not allow the manifestation of freedom through action and the debate of opinions between equals. Political ideas and practices that attempt to homogenize human life forms that try to exclude or control diversity of opinion can not be accepted or accepted. Defending the idea of a homogenous people that shares a general will as described in The social contract does not mean to strengthen politics, but to attack the human plurality that gives meaning to the political community. The proposal of this article is to discuss this critical positioning of Arendt in relation to the concept of general will of Rousseau.KEYWORDS: General will. Rousseau. Human plurality. Freedom.Arendt.

The Political Economy of Local Governance in Yemen

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Local Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Self Help ◽  
Local Initiatives ◽  
Self Rule

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.

Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Theories Of Religion ◽  
Ancient Christianity

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.

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