Black-White Differences in Job Preferences: 16 Years Later

Replication of an analysis of nationally representative data from 1973–1974 showed that 16 years later there have been no significant changes in the pattern of differences between what black and white male employees ( ns = 1500) say they want most in a job. In comparison to white employees, black men continued to be more likely to prefer high income and less likely to prefer meaningful work that gives a feeling of accomplishment. This result suggests that the many considerable government efforts in recent decades to affect the economic status of blacks have had little influence on this dimension of their work attitudes.

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P4.43 Socio-economic status of men engaging in age disparate sex: a secondary analysis of nationally representative data in south africa

10.1136/sextrans-2017-053264.540 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Gavin George ◽

Sean Beckett ◽

Brendan Maughan-Brown ◽

Meredith Evans

Keyword(s):

South Africa ◽

Economic Status ◽

Secondary Analysis ◽

Representative Data ◽

Socio Economic Status ◽

Nationally Representative

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Underweight, overweight and obesity among South African adolescents: results of the 2002 National Youth Risk Behaviour Survey

Public Health Nutrition ◽

10.1017/s1368980008002656 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 12 (2) ◽

pp. 203-207 ◽

Cited By ~ 41

Author(s):

SP Reddy ◽

K Resnicow ◽

S James ◽

N Kambaran ◽

R Omardien ◽

...

Keyword(s):

South African ◽

White Students ◽

Economic Transition ◽

White Male ◽

Risk Behaviour ◽

Overweight And Obesity ◽

Black And White ◽

South African School ◽

Nationally Representative ◽

And Control

AbstractObjectiveThe present paper reports the prevalence of underweight, overweight and obesity by gender, ethnicity and grade, among participants in a 2002 national survey among South African school-going youth that included height and weight measurements.DesignA stratified two-stage sample was used. Nationally representative rates of underweight, overweight and obesity were calculated using weighted survey data and compared using χ2 analysis.SettingIn all, 9224 grade 8 to grade 11 students, present at school in selected classes within selected South African government-funded schools in all nine provinces, participated in this study. Most of the students were between 13 and 19 years of age.ResultsHigher rates of underweight were observed for males than females as well as for black and ‘coloured’ than white students. Within each gender group, black and ‘coloured’ students had significantly higher rates of underweight than their white counterparts. Higher percentages of females than males were overweight and obese, overall and among black students. Furthermore, white male students had significantly higher rates of overweight than their black and ‘coloured’ counterparts. Among females, black and white students had significantly higher rates than ‘coloured’ students. Students in higher grades showed significantly lower rates of underweight and higher rates of overweight.DiscussionThese data confirm that South Africa, a developing nation in socio-economic transition, is experiencing both undernutrition and overnutrition. However, these problems are disproportionately distributed by gender, socio-economics and ethnicity. Continued surveillance of nutritional status may be one important component of a national strategy to prevent and control malnutrition.

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Race, Racism, and the Cool Pose: Exploring Black and White Male Masculinity

Social Problems ◽

10.1093/socpro/spaa010 ◽

2020 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

James D Unnever ◽

Cecilia Chouhy

Keyword(s):

Black Males ◽

White Male ◽

Research Needs ◽

Racial Oppression ◽

Cultural Adaptations ◽

Black And White ◽

Nationally Representative ◽

Cool Pose ◽

Definition Of ◽

Young Black Males

Abstract Scholars argue that racial oppression uniquely causes Black males to construct a definition of their masculinity—the “Cool Pose”—that is different from White male masculinity. In this paper, using a nationally representative survey conducted in 2018, we examined whether young Black males were more likely than White male youths to feel greater pressure to conform to the Cool Pose. We analyzed six measures of the Cool Pose. We found no evidence that young Black males were more likely than White male youths to feel greater pressure to use violence if provoked. However, we found that young Black males were more likely than White male youths to feel greater pressure to be physically and emotionally strong, play sports, and to dominate or control others. We conclude that research needs to move beyond idiosyncratic accounts of Black males’ cultural adaptations in order to explicate the developmental processes that affect how Black males living in a systemically racist society express their masculinity.

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The Improving Relative Status of Black Men

Journal of Income Distribution ◽

10.25071/1874-6322.1269 ◽

2003 ◽

Author(s):

Kenneth A. Couch ◽

Mary Daly

Keyword(s):

Black Men ◽

Wage Inequality ◽

Older Workers ◽

Black Worker ◽

Economic Status ◽

White Male ◽

Male Worker ◽

Younger Workers ◽

Recent Trends ◽

Using Data

Using data from the Current Population Survey, we examine recent trends in the relative economic status of black men. Our findings point to gains in the relative wages of black men (compared to whites) during the 1990s, especially among younger workers. In 1989, the average black male worker (experienced or not) earned about 69% as much per week as the average white male worker. In 2001, the average younger black worker was earning about 86% as much as an equally experienced white male; black males at all experience levels earned 72% as much as the average white in 2001. Greater occupational diversity and a reduction in unobserved skill differences and/or labor market discrimination explain much of the trend. For both younger and older workers, general wage inequality tempered the rate of wage convergence between blacks and whites during the 1990s, although the effects were less pronounced than during the 1980s.

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Porndemic? A longitudinal study of pornography use before and during the COVID-19 pandemic in a nationally representative sample of Americans

10.31234/osf.io/kjvbr ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Joshua B. Grubbs ◽

Samuel Perry ◽

Shane Winfield Kraus ◽

Jennifer T. Grant

Keyword(s):

Longitudinal Study ◽

Representative Sample ◽

Daily Life ◽

Men And Women ◽

Representative Data ◽

Problematic Use ◽

Pornography Use ◽

Nationally Representative ◽

The Many ◽

Time Point

Of the many changes in daily life brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, social distancing efforts and governmentally mandated lockdowns were among the most drastic. Coinciding with these changes, popular pornography websites made some previously premium content available for free, spurring dramatic increases in traffic to these websites. This increase in time spent at home and reported increases in traffic to specific pornographic websites led to some speculation that pornography use might generally increase over the course of the pandemic and that problematic use might also increase. To test these speculations and quantify the effects of the pandemic and its associated restrictions on social behaviors on pornography use, we analyzed data from a longitudinal sample of American adults. Baseline, nationally representative data were collected in August, 2019 via YouGov (N=2,518). Subsequent data were collected in February, 2020 (n=1,677), May, 2020 (n=1,533), August, 2020 (n=1,470), and October, 2020 (n=1,269). Results indicated that, in May, 2020, immediately following the height of the first wave of pandemic related lockdowns, more people reported past month pornography use than at any other time point. Among those who reported use in May, 2020, only 14% reported increases in use since the start of the pandemic, and their use returned to levels similar to all other users by August of 2020. In general, pornography use trended downward over the pandemic, for both men and women. Problematic pornography use trended downward for men and remained low and unchanged in women. Collectively, these results suggests that many fears about pornography use during pandemic related lockdowns were largely not supported by available data.

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Danger or Dislike: Distinguishing Threat from Negative Valence as Sources of Automatic Anti-Black Bias

10.31234/osf.io/c48xa ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

David Scott March ◽

Lowell Gaertner ◽

Michael Olson

Keyword(s):

Black Men ◽

Process Model ◽

White Male ◽

White Americans ◽

Implicit Processing ◽

Black And White ◽

Positive Study ◽

Negative Valence ◽

Asian Men ◽

Physical Threat

The Dual Implicit Process Model (March et al., 2018a) distinguishes the implicit processing of physical threat (i.e., “can it hurt or kill me?”) from valence (i.e., “do I dislike/like it?”). Five studies tested whether automatic anti-Black bias is due to White Americans associating Black men with threat, negative valence, or both. Studies 1 and 2 assessed how quickly White participants decided whether positive, negative, and threatening images were good versus bad when primed by Black versus White male-faces. Studies 3 and 4 assessed how early in the decision process White participants began deciding whether Black and White (and, in Study 3, Asian) male-faces displaying anger, sadness, happiness, or no emotion were, in Study 3, dangerous, depressed, cheerful, or calm or, in Study 4, dangerous, negative, or positive. Study 5 assessed how quickly White participants decided whether negative and threatening words were negative versus dangerous when primed by Black versus White male-names. All studies indicated that White Americans automatically associate Black men with physical threat. Study 3 indicated the association is unique to Black men and did not extend to Asian men as a general intergroup effect. Studies 3, 4, and 5, which simultaneously paired threat against negativity, indicated that the Black-threat association is stronger than a Black-negative association.

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Strategic Discrimination

Perspectives on Politics ◽

10.1017/s153759272000242x ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 18 (4) ◽

pp. 1068-1087

Author(s):

Regina Bateson

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

Black Men ◽

White Women ◽

White Male ◽

World Politics ◽

People Of Color ◽

Political Polarization ◽

Donald Trump ◽

Black And White ◽

And Gender

Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate’s identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates’ racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.

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