scholarly journals Assessing President Obama's Appointment of Women to the Federal Appellate Courts

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura P. Moyer
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Appellate Courts ◽  
Roll Call Vote ◽  
Professional Experiences ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
Minority Men ◽  
Appeals Court

Abstract A major legacy of the Obama presidency was the mark he left on the federal courts with respect to increasing judicial diversity. In particular, President Obama's appointments of women to the federal judiciary exceeded all previous presidents in terms of both absolute numbers and as a share of all judges; he also appointed a record-setting number of women of color to the lower federal courts. In this Article, I take an intersectional approach to exploring variation in the professional backgrounds, qualifications, and Senate confirmation experiences of Obama's female appeals court appointees, comparing them with George W. Bush and Bill Clinton appointees. These data reveal that women of color appointed by Obama differ from both white women and minority men in terms of ABA ratings, the types of professional experiences they bring with them, and whether they were confirmed by a roll call vote.

scholarly journals Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Racial Violence ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Racial Stratification ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Experiences Of Women

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.

Choosing the Velvet Glove: Women Voters, Ambivalent Sexism, and Vote Choice in 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorrie Frasure-Yokley
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Ambivalent Sexism ◽  
Attitudes Toward Women ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Gender And Politics ◽  
Sexist Attitudes ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
The One

AbstractThis paper examines the extent to which ambivalent sexism toward women influenced vote choice among American women during the 2016 Presidential election. I examine how this varied between white women and women of color. The 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) features several measures from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale developed by Glick and Fiske (1996) to assess sexist attitudes toward women. An index of these measures is used to examine the extent to which ambivalent sexist attitudes influenced women's vote choice for Donald Trump, controlling for racial resentment, partisanship, attitudes toward immigrants, economic anxiety, and socio-demographics. On the one hand, my findings indicate that ambivalent sexism was a powerful influence on women's Presidential vote choice in 2016, controlling for other factors. However, this finding, based on a model ofall women votersis misleading, once an intersectional approach is undertaken. Once the data are disaggregated by gender and race, white women's political behavior proves very different than women of color. Among white women, ambivalent sexist views positively and significantly predicts vote choice for Trump, controlling for all other factors. However, for women of color, this relationship was negative and posed no statistical significant relationship to voting for Trump. Scholarship in gender and politics that does not account for group differences in race/ethnicity may present misleading results, which are either underestimated or overestimated.

Gender Theory in Philosophy of Race

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Zack
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Race Theory ◽  
Philosophy Of Race ◽  
The Subject

The subject of critical race theory is implicitly black men, and the main idea is race. The subject of feminism is implicitly white women, and the main idea is gender. When the main idea is race, gender loses its importance and when the main idea is gender, race loses its importance. In both cases, women of color, especially black women, are left out. Needed is a new critical theory to address the oppression of nonwhite, especially black, women. Critical plunder theory would begin with the facts of uncompensated appropriation of the biological products of women of color, such as sexuality and children.

Native Ethnographers and Feminist Solidarity

2019 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Shilyh Warren
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Ethnic Difference ◽  
Self And Other ◽  
Communities Of Color ◽  
The Way

This chapter explore matters of racial and ethnic difference and solidarity in films by white women and by women of color about communities of color. It argues that the films are most productively read as autoethnographies: studies of the mutual imbrication of selves and others, some individual and others collective, all of which are subject to the realities of gender, class, and race, albeit distinctly. In the context of political documentaries, just as in the conceptual battles over ethnography, matters of representation refract these tensions between inside and outside, self and other, us and them. Autoethnography is key to detecting the way women’s documentaries of the 1970s play a role in these ethical and political negotiations and the visions of justice they seek.

Constructing Conducive Environment for Women of Color in Engineering Undergraduate Education

2017 ◽  
pp. 416-440
Author(s):  
Hyun Kyoung Ro ◽  
Kadian McIntosh
Keyword(s):  
Women Students ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
Engineering Students ◽  
White Women ◽  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Engineering Programs ◽  
Academic Environments ◽  
Four Year Institutions

The engineering field, in particular, struggles to recruit and retain students, especially women of color. Thus, consideration of how academic environments, such as treatment by faculty and peers, interaction with faculty, and available resources for learning and tutoring, uniquely affect women of color is examined. Several theories, such as critical racial theory, intersectionality, and campus climate framework, highlight the importance of examining individual characteristics and details of the environmental context. This study used data from a sample of 850 women students in 120 U.S. engineering undergraduate programs from 31 four-year institutions. Black women engineering students experienced and perceived more differential treatment because of their race/ethnicity but interacted more with faculty than White women students. This study provides critical implications for policy and practice regarding how administrators and faculty members can design engineering programs to create better climate and offer resources for women of color students.

Sanctuary?

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Kayla Marie Martensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
American Society ◽  
Prison Populations ◽  
State Protection

Influenced by critical carceral studies and abolition feminism, this non-empirical work identifies a political, social and economic carceral system that is fueled by existing racist, sexist, classist, homophobic, ableist and xenophobic ideologies, which both minimize resources for Latinx/a women and girls and increases the level of state violence perpetrated against them. The consequences of dispossession, subjugation and stigmatization have impacted Latina/x women's access to livable waged jobs, healthcare, safe and healthy food and water, adequate living conditions, quality education, and acceptance in American society. This violence is justified and considered necessary by constructing Latina/x women and girls as unworthy of state protection and state resource and as threats to the economy, culture and politics of the United States. Latina/x women, like other women of color, are not afforded the protections extended to white women by the state. Many Americans do not see them as the “good victim”, but often they are the “bad woman”, “bad mother”, “sexual deviant”, exploited laborer, culturally defiant, and increasingly they are “illegal”, “criminal” and “terrorist”. This results in Latinx/a women and girls being more likely to be imprisoned than white women and are one of the fastest growing prison populations in the United States.

Ninth Circuit Nursery

2021 ◽  
pp. 171-207
Author(s):  
Steven W. Usselman
Keyword(s):  
West Coast ◽  
Textual Analysis ◽  
Patent Law ◽  
Oil Drilling ◽  
Ninth Circuit ◽  
Circuit Court ◽  
Court Of Appeals ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
Hydraulic Machinery ◽  
Appeals Court

Based on statistical and textual analysis of the 148 patent cases heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals from its creation through 1925, this chapter suggests that the appeals judges created a legal environment highly favorable to innovative West Coast enterprises. Their rulings consistently sided with local patent holders and alleged infringers over litigants from outside the circuit. Cases involving only local parties produced more mixed results, as judges sought to mediate disputes among competing regional suppliers, while insulating small proprietors from risks of infringement. Through these means, the appeals court actively shaped competition and influenced the course of innovation in such emergent fields as oil drilling and refining, hydraulic machinery, and food processing. The distinctiveness of Pacific Coast patent law diminished after 1915 under influence of a federal judiciary stacked with protégés of ex-President William Howard Taft, who became Chief Justice in 1921.

The Political Geography of Descriptive Representation

2020 ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Beth Reingold
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
White Women ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Theory ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Central Focus ◽  
Men Of Color ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities

Descriptive representation, or the presence of women and minorities in public office, is the central focus of Chapter 2. Why are some legislatures more diverse than others? Why are some constituencies more likely to elect women and minorities? Chapter 2 addresses these questions about the political geography of race, gender, and representation with an intersectional lens. It re-evaluates existing theories about the electoral barriers and disadvantages facing women and minorities and tests an alternative theory that women of color, through intersectional resistance and resilience, can overcome such obstacles. Based on an analysis of descriptive representation in all state houses and house seats in 2005, the findings suggest the electoral fortunes of women of color are no less constrained than those of men of color or White women. Rather, women of color face a variety of structural challenges—and opportunities—that are similar to and different from those faced by others.

The Fight for Labor Equity

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Jennifer McClearen
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Sports Media ◽  
Independent Contractors

Chapter 5 delves into the unionization efforts by former UFC fighter Leslie Smith and the fighters’ association she cofounded, Project Spearhead. Smith has legally challenged the UFC’s classification of fighters as underpaid independent contractors--a classification that makes these athletes a relatively inexpensive and expendable investment for the UFC. The chapter considers potential solutions for gendered labor inequity in sports media by centering political visibility as a viable avenue for illuminating labor inequalities and improving workers’ rights within the UFC. While a union might benefit all fighters, those who stand to gain the most from a fighters’ union are White women and women of color because historically the most disenfranchised identities recuperate the most rights when unions collectively advocate for the equal treatment of all workers.

Disciplinary Peripheries

2020 ◽  
pp. 94-114
Author(s):  
Jenny Heijun Wills ◽  
Délice Mugabo
Keyword(s):  
Graduate School ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
Black Feminist ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Race Studies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Women Scholars

This chapter features a dialogue between Delice Mugabo, a PhD Candidate in Geography at SUNY and Jenny Heijun Wills, an associate professor of English at University of Winnipeg. In their conversation, Mugabo and Wills reflect on how women of color in graduate school are observed and surveilled by white women scholars in ways that encourage interracial and interdisciplinary kinship formation. Drawing on their experiences living and working as intersectional feminist scholars in Canada, Mugabo and Wills gesture to their respective communities and subjectivities—Mugabo, a Black feminist who studied in Quebec; Wills, an Asian adoptee who works in Manitoba—to make sense of the lack of institutionalized Race Studies in Canada, despite a history of student protests.

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