scholarly journals The EU in the Eyes of Ukrainian General Public: Potential for EU Public Diplomacy?

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Chaban ◽  
Vlad Vernygora

AbstractThis paper focuses on the public diplomacy (PD) practices of the EU-a supranational regional organisation confronted with two distinct challenges. First, the EU aims to reform its external action in order to become a global power and leader in the changing multipolar world. Second, it purports to fight the ongoing economic crisis that not only weakens the actual global capabilities of the EU, but damages its international image and reputation as a power and a leader. The paper assumes the potential of EU PD tools in meeting these challenges and tests this assumption in one case study of international public opinion on the EU in its immediate neighbourhood (Ukraine). Importantly, the study confronts an additional challenge: EU PD is described in the relevant literature to be a disjointed, under-resourced and overlooked policy area.

Author(s):  
MA. Fjollë Nuhiu ◽  
Prof. Ass. Dr. Ngadhnjim Brovina

This paper describes public diplomacy (PD) of European Union (EU) throw European External Action Service (EEAS). As PD has its aim influencing the public, EU makes PD throw its missions and delegations trying to prove to the whole world that is an important actor in international arena. Since EU is unique international organization with elements of a state, we will try to describe that even EU has difficulties using PD to build a positive image in front of public considering the fact that each member state has its own voice in the path of representing the EU throw EEAS as one voice. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the EU's foreign policy with particular focus on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that in our case analyzing it in the context of the PD specifically creating a positive image, has shown weakness and incapacity to intervene and play his role as an important actor to resolve a conflict and bring peace. Samples were taken from the international literature, scientific researches and official documents taken from EU official website. We used descriptive and analytical method to arrive at the conclusion of this topic, proving theoretically and practically that EU diplomacy as part of foreign policy has failed in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1187-1220
Author(s):  
Francisco de Abreu Duarte

Abstract This article develops the concept of the monopoly of jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) through the analysis of the case study of the Investment Court System (ICS). By providing a general framework over the criteria that have been developed by the Court, the work sheds light on the controversial principle of autonomy of the European Union (EU) and its implications to the EU’s external action. The work intends to be both pragmatic and analytical. On the one hand, the criteria are extracted as operative tools from the jurisprudence of the CJEU and then used in the context of the validity of the ICS. This provides the reader with some definitive standards that can then be applied to future cases whenever a question concerning autonomy arises. On the other hand, the article questions the reasons behind the idea of the monopoly of jurisdiction of the CJEU, advancing a concept of autonomy of the EU as a claim for power and critiquing the legitimacy and coherence of its foundations. Both dimensions will hopefully help to provide some clarity over the meaning of autonomy and the monopoly of jurisdiction, while, at the same time, promoting a larger discussion on its impact on the external action of the EU.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-138
Author(s):  
Marwa Fikry Abdel Samei

This article discusses the public diplomacy of the European Union (eu) towards the Arab Spring by focusing on the case of Egypt. It argues that despite its clear efforts, the eu’s response to the Arab Spring was a missed opportunity to establish Europe’s normative power. The eu has simply maintained its pre-Arab Spring policies. By analysing and comparing the content of the Facebook pages of both the eu delegation to Egypt and the European External Action Service (eeas) during the period from 14 October 2012 until 16 August 2013, the article demonstrates the differences between the messages and image presentations that were promoted in each page. Comparing these public diplomacy messages with specific eu policies reveals the gap between the words and deeds. The article explains this gap with reference to the discrepancy between Europe’s perception of the region, which results in certain policies, and its internal identity-building considerations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-292
Author(s):  
Nur Uysal

Summary The profound changes in communication technology and dramatic increase in global migration have challenged the conventional dyadic conceptualization of ‘domestic’ and ‘foreign’ publics and increased the importance of diaspora publics. Using the four-quadrant model of public diplomacy and cascading activation model of framing, this article analyses the complex role of diasporas in the public diplomacy equation. To illustrate a public-centred and public-based public diplomacy initiative from a non-Western perspective, the article focuses on a Turkish diaspora organization’s attempts to control communication in the aftermath of the 2016 failed coup attempt in Turkey. The analysis reveals how partner publics became adversarial diaspora and transformed into a non-state actor challenging the Turkish state’s legitimacy in the international arena. This case study sheds light on the dynamic transformations of non-Western publics from domestic partners into adversarial diasporas and it questions the dominant Western conceptions of static state-centred, state-initiated public diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 326-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Pamment ◽  
Alexandra Olofsson ◽  
Rachel Hjorth-Jenssen

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the communication management of the Swedish and Norwegian Governments during the 2015-2016 refugee crisis. It does so in the context of recent debates into public diplomacy (PD) and nation branding, on the understanding that governments seek to manage their reputations in order to attract trade, investment and tourism, as well as generate broader interest in their policies and values. Design/methodology/approach The study is based upon a case study of each country’s response, and draws upon qualitative interviews and document analysis. Findings The study finds that more than a decade of advances in PD can be readily adapted to negative branding aimed at dissuading undesired publics. However, opportunities remain for communication professionals to ensure that brand values are not discarded. Originality/value The study is among the first to examine the contemporary PD and nation branding apparatus when it is used to dissuade and even repulse target groups. It therefore explores some important issues related to communication management in the public sector.


2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Mills

AbstractIn the European Union, private international law has almost exclusively been developed through the adoption of internal acts (particularly EU Regulations) in the pursuit of internal goals (principally, enhancing the efficient functioning of the internal market, and more recently and broadly the construction of an area of freedom, security and justice). This focus has and must come under challenge in light of two developments. The first is the apparent establishment of EU exclusive external competence in the field of private international law, creating the opportunity for external action by the EU. The second is the increased recognition that internal action by the EU has external effects, which should be viewed not merely as incidental but also as potentially instruments of external policy. In conjunction, these developments demand consideration of what role private international law could and should play as part of EU external relations. This article critically examines a range of possible techniques which might be adopted in relation to this new external dimension of EU private international law. These methods are not necessarily unique to private international law or the EU, and thus this article also provides a case study of the range of legal techniques which can be used by international actors to project policies externally.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-128
Author(s):  
Milica Škorić

Although public agencies have existed for several decades, in Serbia, they are new forms of government bodies. The aspiration to modernize the public administration and harmonize it with modern trends can be an opportunity to see the stages of development and models of control and autonomy of the agency from the decades-long development of Swedish public agencies. The example of Croatia will show the potential of the former socialist state for such reforms and how important reforms are on the road to the European Union in the XXI century. Through the analysis of relevant literature and a comparative method, there are presented the reforms of public agencies being implemented in selected countries since their first appearance till nowadays. This paper focuses on the process of creation and development of public agencies in Sweden and Croatia, as members of the European Union, whose development of a public administration differs significantly, all in order to answer the questions: How much do public agencies contribute to decentralization? Are these bodies necessary for the approach and accession to the EU?


Author(s):  
M. A. Chepurina

The category of “state power” is becoming increasingly complex and multi-faceted today, no longer being solely based on military or economic strength. Traditional categories of power gradually give place to more subtle forms of influence among which public diplomacy and attractive international image of a nation, which can be created and sustained, among others, via international higher education cooperation promotion. Nowadays, knowledge economy is becoming a tool of international influence for a number of states.In 2013 Russia will be celebrating ten years since it joined the Bologna Process, launched in June 1999 by the Ministers of Education of 29 European countries. The article analyses the potential international political contribution of the Bologna system to the development of Russian soft power tools, such as public diplomacy, Russian language promotion and strengthening the EU-Russia cooperation through the intensification of its cultural and educational component.


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