scholarly journals Differences in End-Customer Power Prices Across the EU – Reasons and Challenges for the Future

Studia Humana ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Paweł Lont

Abstract Many years have passed since the first liberalization processes in the electricity sectors the in European Union that were performed in order to establish a single market for electricity. In practice, convergence between neighbouring market areas was established mainly between the Member States in Central-Western Europe, while other countries have allowed for only limited levels of competition. As a consequence, many market areas remain illiquid and consumers pay relatively higher prices for the energy they consume. The final bill is further increased through financing the increasingly ambitious climate agenda, gradually leading to social opposition against ever-growing prices. The aim of this article is to provide examples of differences in market functioning in Member States, leading to discrepancies in average energy costs for end consumers. The consequences of different levels of market concentration, infrastructure investments and renewable generation subsidization are analysed using publicly available statistics. Careful literature review is also performed before the conclusions are presented.

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Sandra Scherbarth ◽  
Stefan Behringer

Whistleblowing systems as internal company instruments for prevention and detection of compliance violations are increasingly recommended both in academic and practical literature. In the European Union, the discussion is currently activated by the EU legislation for better protection of whistleblowers, which needs to be transferred in national law by the member states end of 2021. This literature review examines the literature for the design specifications developed for whistleblowing systems under consideration of the risk for organizational insiders to blow the whistle. The purpose is to review the design specifications developed in scientific studies, the data basis on which they are built whether and, if so, how the risk for organizational insiders to blow the whistle is taken into account. A comprehensive database of literature has been examined. The result is systematic categorization of the specifications for the design of whistleblowing systems. Moreover, we conclude, that there is a lack of data basis for clear specifications. The research shows that in the design of whistleblowing-systems there is a lack of discussion of the risks for whistleblowers to suffer social and professional disadvantages


Author(s):  
Arjan H. Schakel ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

European integration and regionalization have been parallel processes over the past five decades, leading to a multilevel governance system where decision-making powers are allocated across European, national, and regional governments. The upshot of both processes is that regional governments have gained representation within European Union (EU) institutions and they have gained the ability to affect EU policy through domestic institutions. Regional governments are involved in the EU policymaking process at the EU level through two institutions: via their representatives in the Committee of the Regions and via the participation of their ministers in the Council of Ministers. Similarly, regional governments are institutionally involved with EU affairs within the member states through three institutional channels: formulation and implementation of EU Cohesion Policy, intergovernmental meetings between national and regional governments to coordinate EU affairs, and subsidiarity monitoring of EU legislation by regional parliaments. The analysis shows that the EU’s multilevel governance system is highly asymmetric. Regional involvement in EU affairs through EU and domestic institutions is mainly restricted to powerful regions which can be predominantly found in the populous, federal, and regionalized member states from Western Europe. In addition, the analysis reveals that regional impact on EU policy is far more apparent within the member states than at the EU level. Furthermore, regional governments prefer to impact EU affairs through or in collaboration with their member state governments rather than bypassing them.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-120
Author(s):  
Andrzej Karpowicz

Abstract The European Union is not a homogenous area. This lack of homogeneity extends to taxes, which vary across jurisdictions. On average, Western Europe imposes significantly higher taxes on capital than New Member States, which joined the Community in 2004 and 2007. Often this fact is simply taken for granted. However, there are several arguments that can explain this variance. Although several of these arguments are well known and have been researched, they have not been assessed in combination, or used in a comparative analysis of corporate income tax (CIT) rates between EU member states. Because of interest in harmonizing CIT throughout the EU, the roots of divergent CIT is of particular and timely value. Therefore, this article we attempts to demonstrate the differences in CIT rates in the EU-15 and New Member States. In so doing the general characteristics of these country grouping is identified, and then discussed in the context of the taxation theory.


Author(s):  
Stephen M. Croucher

The European Union (EU) is an economic, political, and social conglomeration of 28 member nations. These member nations work together via a system of supranational institutional and intergovernmental-negotiated treaties and decisions by member states. While the EU has been able to continue its development in various stages since the 1950s respectively, a key issue continually facing the EU has always been integration at different levels. Integration of new member states, integration of individuals and cultures within member states, and most recently integration of immigrants (newcomers of different designations) into the EU. While the EU has strict guidelines regarding the integration of new member states into the EU, no policies/procedures are in place regarding the integration of individuals into the EU. Issues of national sovereignty are critical to EU member states when discussing how to integrate newcomers. Most recently during the heightened wave of refugees entering the EU through its southern and eastern borders, the issue of how to integrate newcomers into the EU has come to the forefront of national and EU policymakers. Key questions facing the EU and its member states include: What are the national integration policies, and how do they differ? What is the future for the EU in response to increased legal, illegal, and irregular migration?


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1108-1115
Author(s):  
Rok Hrzic ◽  
Tobias Vogt ◽  
Fanny Janssen ◽  
Helmut Brand

Abstract Background The high mortality rates in the European Union (EU) Member States that acceded in 2004 sparked political interest in mortality convergence. Whether mortality is converging in the EU remains unclear. We reviewed the literature on mortality convergence in the post-2004 EU territory as a whole. We also explored whether the study designs influenced the results and whether any determinants of mortality convergence had been empirically examined. Methods A systematic literature review was performed. Our search included scientific databases and the websites of international governmental institutions and European demographic research institutes. Results We uncovered 94 unique records and included seven studies that reported on 36 analyses. There was marked methodological heterogeneity, including in the convergence measures (beta and sigma convergence). All of the beta convergence analyses found narrowing mortality differentials, whereas most of the sigma convergence analyses found widening mortality differentials. The results are robust to the units of analysis and mortality and dispersion measures. Our results also suggest that there is a lack of evidence on the determinants of mortality convergence in the EU. Conclusions There is general agreement that the EU regions and the Member States with high initial mortality rates improved the fastest, but this trend did not lead to overall mortality convergence in the EU. The harmonization of mortality convergence measures and research into determinants of mortality convergence are needed to support future EU cohesion policy. Policy-makers should consider supporting areas that have moderate but stagnant mortality rates, in addition to those with high mortality rates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Sirkeci

Doğu ve güney komşuları üzerinde gelen göç akınlarının ve üye ülkeler arasındaki göçlerin artışıyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) en büyük krizlerinden birini yaşamaktadır. Avrupa’daki en ana tartışma konuları arasında Avrupa’ya göçü ve AB içindeki göçü sınırlamak ve üye ülkeler arasında mülteci kotası ve külfet paylaşımına yapılan itirazlar yer aldı. Bu krizde Türkiye anahtar ülke olarak ortaya çıktı ve ülkedeki büyük Suriyeli mülteci nüfusu ve bu nüfusun Avrupa’ya gitmesini engellemesi karşılığında vaat edilen milyarlarca Avro nedeniyle tartışmaların odağında yer aldı. Suriye krizi 4,8 milyon mülteci yarattı ve 2016 yılı sonu itibariyle bunların 2,8 milyonu Türkiye’de ikamet etmekteydi. Suriyeli mültecilere karşı cömert tavrıyla Türkiye güvenli bir ülke olarak tescil edilmiş oldu. Bu, hikayenin daha karanlık bir başka yüzünü gölgelemektedir. Çünkü aynı ülkenin vatandaşları 1980 askeri darbesinden bu yana milyonu aşkın sığınma başvurusu yaptılar. Ülkenin bugünkü şartları ve yeni veriler, Türkiye’den AB’ye yönelen daha çok mülteci akını olacağını gösteriyor. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHTurkey’s refugees, Syrians and refugees from Turkey: a country of insecurityThe European Union (EU) has faced one of its biggest crises with the rise of population inflows through its Eastern and Southern neighbours as well as movements within the Union. In 2016, the main debate that dominated Europe was on restricting migration within and into the EU along with concerns and objections to the refugee quota systems and the sharing of the burden among member states. Turkey emerged as a ‘gate keeper’ in this crisis and has since been at the centre of debates because of the large Syrian refugee population in the country and billions of Euros it was promised to prevent refugees travelling to Europe. The Syrian crisis produced over 4.8 million refugees with over 2.8 million were based in Turkey by the end of 2016. Turkey with its generous support for Syrian refugees has been confirmed as a ‘country of security’. This shadows the darker side of affairs as the very same country has also produced millions of asylum seekers since the 1980 military coup. Current circumstances and fresh evidence indicate that there will be more EU bound refugees coming through and from Turkey. 


Author(s):  
Helena Borzenko ◽  
Tamara Panfilova ◽  
Mikhail Litvin

Purpose articles rassm and experience and benefits systems taxation countries European Union, manifestation iti the main limitations domestic taxlegislation and wired STI their comparisons. In general iti ways the provisiontax reporting countries Eurozone in the appropriate organs, dove STI need theintroduction Ukraine electronic methods receiving and processing such reports.define iti key directions reforming domestic tax legislation. Methodology research is to use aggregate methods: dialectical, statistical, historical, comparative. Scientific novelty is to are provided recommendations for improvement ofefficiency systems taxation of our states in international ratings characterizingtax institutions country. Therefore, despite some problems in legislation heldcomparative study systems taxation EU and Ukraine. Conclucions Coming fromof this, the main directions reforming tax systems Ukraine, in our opinion,today should become: improvement process administration, reduce scales evasiontaxes, provision more uniform distribution tax burden between taxpayers, themaximum cooperation tax bodies different levels as well adjustment systemselectronic interactions tax authorities and payers, tax system must contain ascan less unfounded benefits, consistent with the general by politics pricing.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1663-1700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clelia Lacchi

The Constitutional Courts of a number of Member States exert a constitutional review on the obligation of national courts of last instance to make a reference for a preliminary ruling to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU).Pursuant to Article 267(3) TFEU, national courts of last instance, namely courts or tribunals against whose decisions there is no judicial remedy under national law, are required to refer to the CJEU for a preliminary question related to the interpretation of the Treaties or the validity and interpretation of acts of European Union (EU) institutions. The CJEU specified the exceptions to this obligation inCILFIT. Indeed, national courts of last instance have a crucial role according to the devolution to national judges of the task of ensuring, in collaboration with the CJEU, the full application of EU law in all Member States and the judicial protection of individuals’ rights under EU law. With preliminary references as the keystone of the EU judicial system, the cooperation of national judges with the CJEU forms part of the EU constitutional structure in accordance with Article 19(1) TEU.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-418
Author(s):  
Elisabetta Lanza

In the 2009 judgment dealing with the Treaty of Lisbon, the German Federal Constitutional Court urges to modify a domestic statute in order to guarantee the rights of the internal rule-making power and also provides a reasoning on the role of the European Union (EU) as an international organization, the principle of sovereignty and the relations between European Institutions and Bodies and the EU Member States. According to the German Court the Treaty of Lisbon does not transform the European Union into a Federal State (Staatsverband), but into a Confederation of States (Staatenverbund). In spite of the 1993 landmark judgment, the so-called “Maastricht Urteil”, the Court steps forward and focuses also the subject-matters that necessarily have to pertain to the Member States jurisdiction, the so-called “domain reserve”. The German Federal Constitutional Court decision on the Lisbon Treaty arouses the reflection on the core of State sovereignty and on the boundaries of the EU legal system and focuses on the force of the right to vote of every citizen, the basis of democracy.Furthermore, the decision of the German Federal Constitutional Court highlights the well-known issue of the EU's identity and the balancing between EU democracy and Member State sovereignty. In the light of the German Constitutional Court statements, the present work aims to understand which could be actually the EU's identity and how could be approached “democratic deficit” of the EU.


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