scholarly journals The Battle of Stalingrad in the Context of Modern History

Author(s):  
M. Y. Myagkov

Proceeding 200 days and nights the Battle of Stalingrad became a turning point in the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people and in all World War II, it turned back, in the western direction movement of the Soviet-German front when Hitler was compelled to recognize that for Germans "possibility of the end of war in the east by means of approach more doesn't exist". After Stalingrad it became clear to the whole world that war against the USSR for a coalition of fascist aggressors is lost. Defeat near Stalingrad allied Germany of armies cracked the fascist block, having forced Italy, Romania, Hungary and Finland actively to look for contacts with the countries of an anti-Hitleriwste coalition for the purpose of a withdrawal from a war. The developed events put an end to calculations on the introduction in war against the USSR to Turkey and Japan, were decisive incentive of growth of a resistance movement in Europe and Asia. The western allies of the USSR intensified preparation for opening of the second anti-Hitlerite front in Europe. U.S. President F.Ruzvelt called battle near Stalingrad epic. Later it sent the diploma of the following contents: "On behalf of the people of the United States of America I hand over this diploma to the city of Stalingrad to note our admiration of his valorous defenders … Their nice victory stopped a wave of invasion and became a turning point of war of the allied nations against aggression forces".

1917 ◽  
Vol 85 (17) ◽  
pp. 455-456

The following is the text of the resolutions which officially entered the United States into the world war:— “Whereas the imperial German government has committed repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America; therefore be it “Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that the state of war between the United States and the imperial German government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the imperial German government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.”


2020 ◽  
pp. 288-330
Author(s):  
Michael Goldfield

Chapter 7 focuses on the failed attempt by unions after World War II to unionize the South, referred to informally as Operation Dixie. Contrary to much extant scholarship, the chapter regards Operation Dixie as an underfunded, misguided attempt at organizing; it was racially backward, had no understanding of what was necessary, and served largely as a primer on how not to organize. Rather than being a major turning point, Operation Dixie is shown to have been at best a coda to earlier failures in southern labor organizing and the end of major union growth in the United States, at least in the private sector.


2015 ◽  
pp. 143-157
Author(s):  
Victoria Bell ◽  
Ana Leonor Pereira ◽  
João Rui Pita

The discovery of penicillin in 1928 and its introduction as therapeutic agent in the 1940’s significantly altered the prognosis of infectious diseases and represented the starting point for research that led to the discovery of other antibiotics. Portugal was one of the first European countries, non-participant in the II World War, to obtain penicillin for civilian use. World production of the antibiotic was scarce and military forces and government appointed research centers absorbed the limited amount available. Good diplomatic relations between Portugal, Brazil and the United States of America (USA) were decisive in attaining penicillin for our country. In May of 1944, the Brazilian government offered Portugal 12 vials of penicillin. During the summer of 1944, as the Portuguese and American governments negotiated the use of the Lages military base in the Azores, they also discussed the terms regarding a regular supply of penicillin for Portugal. In order to import penicillin from the USA, Portugal was obliged to establish a controlling committee to oversee the allocation and distribution of the antibiotic. The Portuguese Red Cross played a major role in this event, on July 26, 1944 the humanitarian institution appointed the Junta Consultiva para a Distribuição de Penicilina em Portugal (JCDPP) to act as a controlling committee. The first allotment of 700 vials, each containing 100 000 units of penicillin, arrived at Lisbon airport on September 8, 1944. In January 1945, the US government increased the monthly allotment to 1000 vials and in March 1945 to 1500 vials. As world production of penicillin increased, controlling committees were no longer necessary. In June 1945, the Portuguese Red Cross terminated the JCDPP and the Portuguese pharmaceutical industry began to import the antibiotic. Cooperation with Brazil and the USA was vital for Portugal to attain penicillin. It enabled the antibiotic to become available to the Portuguese civilian population when its use was still restricted to the military forces. The in advanced acquisition of penicillin in Portugal that resulted from nation cooperation saved many lives to and initiated a new era in the treatment of infectious diseases.http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_9


1980 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary M. Schweitzer

Between the years 1940 and 1947 the demand for female labor in the United States shifted rapidly. Wages for women rose swiftly during the war, then fell suddenly when industries converted to peacetime production. This paper makes use of household production theory to explore the behavior of different segments of the female labor force as they responded to the radical changes in demand brought by World War II. The analysis suggests that a crucial turning point in the efforts to hire women was reached in the second half of 1943.


1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Sbrega

During World War II, Britain and the United States differed over the postwar status of Indochina. Although the United States made several strong statements about restoring the prewar possessions of the French Empire, the Americans, especially President Franklin D. Roosevelt, increasingly came to favour an international trusteeship guiding postwar Indochina to eventual independence. The British were not at first prepared to guarantee the complete restoration of the French Empire. With surprising slowness, the British did gradually sponsor the prompt return of French colonial authority in Indochina. British postwar planning had shown how dangerous a hostile or unfriendly France and French Empire could be to the security of the British Isles and British Empire. The British determination to reestablish the French connection coincided with a refusal by Roosevelt to enter any discussions about the postwar status of Indochina. The presidential silence only served to promote Anglo-French colonial interests. After Roosevelt's death, President Harry S. Truman did not challenge the return of French control in Indochina. Ironically, despite the earnest — but seldom expressed — American intentions to underwrite indigenous dreams of independence, the people of Indochina subsequently associated the United States with Western suppression of those dreams.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (28) ◽  
pp. 151-161
Author(s):  
Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk

The article discusses occurrences of topics related to Lviv in Polish opinion-forming newspapers in exile in the United States after World War II. The author followed the New Diaryin the years 1971–1999, together with its appendices, Polish Week (1971–1981) and Polish Review (1981–1999), published in New York. These titles had a wide scope of influence. The analysis of the newspapers’ contents revealed that a small, dispersed community from Lviv, who emigrated to the United States and centered around the Lviv Circle, made their works public regularly in the pages of the New Diary. However, compared with the incidence of the same themes in the Polish emigrants’ press in Western Europe during the same period, it was a marginal phenomenon about accidental topics. The texts mainly focused on unmasking the Soviet authorities’ actions to eliminate traces of Polish culture from Lviv, the devastation of the Lviv Eaglets Cemetery. Additionally, they posted pictures of the Poltva, poems devoted to the city, and anniversary reminiscences of the Lviv defense of 1918. Topics related to Lviv abroad were mostly the domain of its former citizens, who had been forced to leave the city without possibility of return (thanks to the provisions of the Yalta Conference)—journalists, academics, and activists in exile, regularly associated with magazines from the British Isles (the White Eagle, News, Polish Diary, and Soldier’s Diary) as well as Culture from Paris.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linh D. Vu

Abstract Exploring the construction and maintenance of Nationalist Chinese soldiers’ graves overseas, this article sheds light on post-World War II commemorative politics. After having fought for the Allies against Japanese aggression in the China-Burma-India Theater, the Chinese expeditionary troops sporadically received posthumous care from Chinese veterans and diaspora groups. In the Southeast Asia Theater, the Chinese soldiers imprisoned in the Japanese-run camps in Rabaul were denied burial in the Allied war cemetery and recognition as military heroes. Analyzing archival documents from China, Taiwan, Britain, Australia, and the United States, I demonstrate how the afterlife of Chinese servicemen under foreign sovereignties mattered in the making of the modern Chinese state and its international status.


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