scholarly journals The Islamic concept of the Caliphate: basic principles and a contemporary interpretation

Islamology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Leonid Sykiainen

This article studies the approach of Islamic legal thought to the idea of a Caliphate. The author explains the fundamental principles of the Islamic concept of the state as an instrument for defending and maintaining religion and dealing with worldly affairs. Modern Islamic thought, considering historical evolution of Islamic statehood under the influence of objective political circumstances, came to the key conclusion that an Islamic state is not restricted to a unified Caliphate (the Caliphate on the way of the prophecy). Other models of power are quite admissible if they meet the aims of the Caliphate.

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Butterworth

This volume, one of the most important and timely publications of the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), represents the latest effort by scholars associated with the organization to formulate an educational program for Muslims. Ziauddin Sardar and Jeremy Henzell-Thomas revise and update the attempts by Ismail Faruqi and fellow founders of IIIT in the 1980s to address the crisis of education faced then by Muslim societies.That is appropriate, for the crisis has not disappeared with the passage of time. If anything, it has become greater and now encompasses Muslims worldwide—not just those in Muslim societies. And, as the authors of this volume note repeatedly, it has captured the attention of educators in the US, UK, and most other European nations.Now, eschewing the older Islamization of knowledge approach, Sardar and Henzell-Thomas propose the integration of knowledge. They set aside the old paradigm while offering minimal comments about the shortcomings that warrant such a change, perhaps so as to avoid giving rise to unnecessary quarrels. Major attention must be accorded, therefore, what the authors understand integration of knowledge to be and how it might address the needs of their specific audience—Muslim societies. One must wonder, all the same, why the audience is so defined. After all, the crisis of education affects people everywhere, Muslims in Muslim and non-Muslim societies as well as non-Muslims living in Muslim and non-Muslim societies. How do differences in political and economic problems faced by these various groups affect the educational goals to be achieved and who is affected by them?Another preliminary objection concerns the way both the earlier IIIT reformers and those involved in the new project ignore or neglect the critique of shortcomings in educational approaches launched in the US early in the twentieth century by Robert Maynard Hutchins and Mortimer Adler, a critique that culminated in the Great Books movement. It, or, more accurately, offshoots of it, have given rise to attempts at general or liberal education in numerous American and European institutions. Especially pertinent for the integration of knowledge project is how these offshoots of the Great Books movement, ostensibly centered on Western writings at the outset, have gradually come to incorporate fundamental texts from the Golden Age of the Arabic and Islamic tradition. Today more than ever, it is essential to promote the cultural phenomena common to all. Only greater awareness of the extent to which we are one people will allow us to counter those who seek to divide us and thereby fuel enmity.Finally, no attention is accorded here to how the issues identified with the crisis of education are addressed in other faith traditions or to the way members of those traditions attempt to integrate the teachings of revealed texts with ones arising from simple human reasoning. Such a broader focus would have permitted the authors to propose an approach that might resonate with the general malaise expressed by many educators and suggest a way forward that all, not just Muslims, could embrace.Still, these preliminary objections are just that, preliminary. To assess their merit, it is essential to consider carefully what is actually proposed in the volume under review. It consists of a Foreword setting forth the basic principles of the revised project and four chapters. The first, “Mapping the Terrain,” is by Sardar, as is the second, “From Islamization to Integration of Knowledge.” Henzell-Thomas is the author of the third and fourth chapters, “The Integration We Seek” and “Towards a Language of Integration.”


rahatulquloob ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2(2)) ◽  
pp. 242-251
Author(s):  
Dr. Muhammad Riaz ◽  
Dr. Haji Karim Khan

Though the initial conception of an Islamic state begins with the life of the Prophet (PBUH) in Mecca, yet its formal structure surfaced in Medina. In Mecca, the Prophet’s (PBUH) wide-ranging communication endeavors showcase the society reflecting the basic concept of an Islamic state. The overarching principles, concepts, and views show that the Prophet (PBUH) wanted a society which could allow masses to live their lives as per the divine principles, teachings, and guidance. Likewise, the first communications of the Prophet (PBUH) in Mecca portray some basic and fundamental steps towards the establishment of an Islamic state. For instance, the Prophet (PBUH) mentioned that He was the messenger of God, He was the warner, and was sent by God to invite the masses towards a religion that claimed the predominant welfare of the humanity. Nevertheless, one may not consider the Meccan life of the Prophet (PBUH) providing the fundamental structure of a state because the contemporary conditions of Mecca at that time were not favorable for the Prophet (PBUH). For instance, the Prophet (PBUH) was being tortured and was forced to stop preaching of Islam. He (PBUH) was stranded in the She’eb-Abi-Talib for three years and was also forced to migrate three times. This means that even after the proclamations of the basic principles, concepts, and teachings, Islamic state could not establish its roots in the Meccan society and thus the fundamental picture of the state surfaced in the Medinan society. In this paper, the authors discuss the initial political scenarios of the Islamic state in terms of where and how it surfaced. While discussing the unique political scenarios of Mecca and Medina, the author’s claim that Medinan society was infect the initial foundation or birthplace of an Islamic state.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rached Ghannouchi

From a historical perspective, there has always existed a distinction between the state and religion in Islam, yet no separation. Moreover, there are many types of secularism and many interpretations in Islam. The elite in Tunisia adopts the French type of secularism whereby a most complete separation between the state and religion exists. The case advanced here is that a large part of the unfolding discussions and debates in the context of the ongoing struggle is based on an ambiguous understanding of secularism and Islam. Secularism is not an atheist philosophy, but a series of arrangements and measures designed to ensure freedom of thought and belief. The way of arriving at an equation that guarantees people's rights and freedoms is by delineating religion's constants and variables. Modern democratic mechanisms are the best manifestation of shura in Islam, whereby interpretation is no longer an individual act but a collective one performed by the people's representatives.


Author(s):  
Rached Ghannouchi

This chapter concerns the basic principles of an Islamic political system. Within the context of a growing Western impact on Muslim lands, the chapter offers a blueprint based on the unity of Islam and politics. It shows that the structure of the Islamic state that developed in Medina provided all the elements necessary to any state, like a people (umma), a territory, a political authority, and a legal system. Using precise wording, Medina's constitution or charter (al-sahifa) defined the groups that constituted the state—one by one it listed the Muslims, the Jews, and the pagans—all of them forming together a political umma. The document mentions their rights and duties as citizens of the state. In effect, each person was a member of the Islamic umma in their political dimension. Together they laid the solid foundation of an Islamic civilization in which hundreds of ethnic groups and tribes from different faith traditions gathered in response to a divine call.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutiara

The principle is a norm or value that is agreed universally. The basic principles of the electoral law is needed in order to run the state administration system in Islam which is very dynamic and moves quickly.This study attempted to formulate some basic principles of the laws of political Islam from the perspective of the Quran which is the law of political Islam (fiqh siyasah) is a law that continues to grow rapidly and dynamically, This development requires a knowledge of the basic principles of what defined the scholars in the field siyasah so that the legal development of political Islam does not out of the track and norms that have been agreed upon, both in terms of theory and application.According to Islam, the operating mechanism of the government and constitutional refers to Shari'ah principles which is derived from the Quran and Hadits. The principles of the Islamic state in any of these are basic principles that refer to the clear and unequivocal texts of Shari'ah, and there are additional principles that is conclution and included to fiqh siyasah or Islamic constitutional law.Legal principles of political Islam that has been described by experts on political Islam in various references are very varied, but the study to the principles siyasah and administration of the state in the Qur'an can be formulated seven basic principles of the electoral law of Islam. namely: 1). The principle of sovereignty; 2). The principle of justice; 3). The principle of syura and consensus'; 4). The principle of equality; 5). The principle of the rights and obligations of the state and the people; 6). The principle of amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. Abstrak: Kajian ini  bertujuan merumuskan prinsip dasar hukum politik Islam menurut perspektif Al-Quran mengingat hukum politik Islam (fiqh siyasah) adalah hukum yang terus berkembang dengan cepat dan dinamis, Perkembangan ini memerlukan pengetahuan tentang prinsip-prinsip dasar apa yang dirumuskan para ulama dalam bidang siyasah sehingga perkembangan hukum politik Islam tidak lari dari rel dan norma standar yang telah disepakati. Menurut Islam, mekanisme operasional pemerintahan dan ketatanegaran mengacu pada prinsip-prinsip syari’ah yang bersumber dari Al-Quran dan Hadis. Prinsip-prinsip negara dalam Islam tersebut ada yang berupa prinsip-prinsip dasar yang mengacu pada teks-teks syari’ah yang jelas dan tegas, dan ada pula prinsip-prinsip tambahan yang merupakan kesimpulan dan termasuk ke dalam fiqh siyasah atau Hukum ketatanegaraan dalam Islam. Prinsip-prinsip hukum politik Islam yang telah diuraikan oleh para pakar politik Islam dalam berbagai referensi sangat variatif, dalam kajian ini prinsip-prinsip siyasah dan penyelenggaraan negara dalam Alquran dapat diformulasikan tujuh prinsip dasar hukum politik Islam. yaitu :  1). Prinsip kedaulatan; 2). Prinsip keadilan; 3). Prinsip musyawarah dan Ijma’; 4). Prinsip persamaan; 5). Prinsip hak dan kewajiban negara dan rakyat; 6). Prinsip amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. Kata kunci: Prinsip Dasar, Politik Islam


rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Muhammad Essa ◽  
Dr. Ammanullah Khan

Pakistan after independence faced many problems ranging from the settlement of refugees to the fragile economy and unsteady defence. One of the major issues was the framing of constitution as immediately after separation from India, Pakistan faced a severe challenge of unity. Pakistan was a diverse country with two geographically separated wings, different cultures, divergent languages and separate provinces. The Constituent Assembly which was set up under Indian Independence Act 1947 faced this huge responsibility to provide a document on which the country could be run. Regarding character of the state of Pakistan; the religio-political Parties, Jamiat Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) and Jamat-i-Islami (JI) argued that Pakistan means the land of pure; therefore, in order to bring purity, Pakistan should be made an Islamic state. In it, the affairs of the government should be run according to Quran and Sunnah. In this way the constitution of this newly created state of Muslims should be Islamic in its nature. The rationale put forward was twofold i.e. they (Muslims) achieved Pakistan in the name of Islam and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, had promised that an Islamic system would be introduced in the newly established state. Secondly, according to them, Islam provides a complete code of life and it had laid basic principles in each aspect of life including the basic guidance for formulating an Islamic Constitution. This article deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of the Islamic Constitution propounded by the scholars of JUI, JI and comparative analysis has been drawn in this regard.


Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-436
Author(s):  
Christopher Duggan

This article examines the changing attitude of the Sicilian statesman Francesco Crispi towards Britain between the 1850s and the end of the century. While Crispi had enormous admiration for Britain, and recognised that Italy had much to learn from its political system, he also acknowledged that the British constitution was the product of a long process of historical evolution and could never be imitated slavishly in Italy. From the end of the 1870s in particular, Crispi felt that Italy could not concede the degree of freedom permitted in Britain until the state had completed its work of what he called ‘political education’. As prime minister in the 1880s and 1890s Crispi looked to an aggressive foreign policy to strengthen Italy's beleaguered institutions, and he counted on British support to achieve this. The refusal of Britain to back him in the way he hoped left him perplexed and ultimately disillusioned about what he had felt was a special friendship between the two countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
L. Khadem Makhsuos Hosseini

Iranian women’s veiling, as one of the major concerns of both women and the state, has been the subject of various studies. The present study in its broad range of investigation covers discussion of Iranian women’s hijab since pre-modern Iran to the current age. Meanwhile, it is more than a new historicist reflection on the way discourses construct norms. Here, within the framework of Butler’s performative theory, veiling is approached as a gender performance, which constructs and represents the identity of the wearer. The question is how Iranian women’s veiling as a gender performance is associated with competing discourses, and how recitations of veiling give them agency. It is hypothesized that women are not simply imposed the norm of veiling by the dominant discourses; rather, as active agents they can change the norms as they perform deviated recitation of norm of veiling. Veiling as a signifier has given different significations in each era, ranging from modesty, backwardness, nationalism, revolutionary, to displaying protest. We address the meanings that different dressing styles represent in three eras of pre-constitutional, post-constitutional, and postrevolutionary in Iran. Homogenized imposed veiling by Islamic authorities in pre-modern Iran, withdrew with secularization of state, was invoked as sign of revolution against the state, re-imposed by the state and ultimately fashioned by women. Thus, veiling in Iran is burdened with more cultural and even political meaning. In each discourse, the performance of veiling style defines women’s subjectivity as normal or abject. Women to be identified as viable subject perform the norms of religious or secularized modern discourse. The two produced binary polar, representing two kinds of subjectivities produced a gap between veiled, unveiled women or properly veiled and misveiled women. The imposed, removed and re-imposed hijab has not been the terminal decision of discourses. It is confirmed that today, Iranian women, supplied with education and global media can reflexively consider and fashion their identity. Nowadays, Iranian women’s fashion hijab is a deviated recitation of the idealized norm to resist the imposed norm. Fashion hijab as a deviated recitation of originally intended hijab by Islamic state is a threat to the Islamic discourse. Therefore, it is regarded as soft war imposed by Western culture on Iran. It is concluded that there has been a dialectical relationship between veiling performance of subjects as agents and viability of the dominant discourse.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Butterworth

This volume, one of the most important and timely publications of the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), represents the latest effort by scholars associated with the organization to formulate an educational program for Muslims. Ziauddin Sardar and Jeremy Henzell-Thomas revise and update the attempts by Ismail Faruqi and fellow founders of IIIT in the 1980s to address the crisis of education faced then by Muslim societies.That is appropriate, for the crisis has not disappeared with the passage of time. If anything, it has become greater and now encompasses Muslims worldwide—not just those in Muslim societies. And, as the authors of this volume note repeatedly, it has captured the attention of educators in the US, UK, and most other European nations.Now, eschewing the older Islamization of knowledge approach, Sardar and Henzell-Thomas propose the integration of knowledge. They set aside the old paradigm while offering minimal comments about the shortcomings that warrant such a change, perhaps so as to avoid giving rise to unnecessary quarrels. Major attention must be accorded, therefore, what the authors understand integration of knowledge to be and how it might address the needs of their specific audience—Muslim societies. One must wonder, all the same, why the audience is so defined. After all, the crisis of education affects people everywhere, Muslims in Muslim and non-Muslim societies as well as non-Muslims living in Muslim and non-Muslim societies. How do differences in political and economic problems faced by these various groups affect the educational goals to be achieved and who is affected by them?Another preliminary objection concerns the way both the earlier IIIT reformers and those involved in the new project ignore or neglect the critique of shortcomings in educational approaches launched in the US early in the twentieth century by Robert Maynard Hutchins and Mortimer Adler, a critique that culminated in the Great Books movement. It, or, more accurately, offshoots of it, have given rise to attempts at general or liberal education in numerous American and European institutions. Especially pertinent for the integration of knowledge project is how these offshoots of the Great Books movement, ostensibly centered on Western writings at the outset, have gradually come to incorporate fundamental texts from the Golden Age of the Arabic and Islamic tradition. Today more than ever, it is essential to promote the cultural phenomena common to all. Only greater awareness of the extent to which we are one people will allow us to counter those who seek to divide us and thereby fuel enmity.Finally, no attention is accorded here to how the issues identified with the crisis of education are addressed in other faith traditions or to the way members of those traditions attempt to integrate the teachings of revealed texts with ones arising from simple human reasoning. Such a broader focus would have permitted the authors to propose an approach that might resonate with the general malaise expressed by many educators and suggest a way forward that all, not just Muslims, could embrace.Still, these preliminary objections are just that, preliminary. To assess their merit, it is essential to consider carefully what is actually proposed in the volume under review. It consists of a Foreword setting forth the basic principles of the revised project and four chapters. The first, “Mapping the Terrain,” is by Sardar, as is the second, “From Islamization to Integration of Knowledge.” Henzell-Thomas is the author of the third and fourth chapters, “The Integration We Seek” and “Towards a Language of Integration.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-140
Author(s):  
Nur Cholis

Abstract: The discourse between Islam and the State in Indonesia is almost dominated by symbiotic-mutualistic relations. Islam considers State enforcement is one of the means for bringing people closer to Allah Almighty. One of the Indonesian prominent figures of this idea is Zainal Abidin Ahmad of Minangkabau Sumatra, a disciple of Hamka, a politician, a former deputy chairman of the House of Representatives. This paper aims to answer the question of how is the Islamic Conception of State and its Implementation in the Indonesian Territories being adjusted. At the end of the paper it is explained that the Concept of the Islamic State, according to Zainal Abidin shows three basic principles, namely (1) there is a government of the people conducted in consultation (h}uku>mah al-ummah shu>riyah), (2) it has the sources of law (us}u>l al-tashri>’), and (3) there is a demarcation of power in the State’s authority (taqsi>m al-sult}at). Furthermore, based on fiqh siyasah: in the time of the Prophet and al-Khulafa al-Rasyidin, the life of Muslims as a community (nation) is entirely discretional to the rules of the pattern that they will adopt in governing themself. But there is a set of moral and ethical principles and values that should be abided for the well-being of human life.


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