scholarly journals The political structure of the Empire of Brazil according to the Constitution of 1824

Author(s):  
N. I. Koloskova ◽  
E. А. Аlentsov ◽  
E. А. Nedostup ◽  
O. S. Ostapovich

The article is devoted to the Constitution of Brazil of 1824, the first in the history of this country. The political structure of the Brazilian Empire described in the article was based on this Constitution, which was in force from its adoption until the proclamation of the First Brazilian Republic (1889). The article analyzes the tasks that stood at the creation of the Constitution and the main changes made to the state structure of Brazil after the law was initiated. It is emphasized that, although the Imperial Constitution did not solve all the problems in Brazilian society, it was the first to identify the issues to be resolved, and that the monarchy lasted longer in Brazil than successive Republican and dictatorial regimes, including thanks to the basic law of the country in the edition of 1824.

Author(s):  
Jean Louis Halpérin

Bentham has defended the idea of a general codification as a “map of the law” that could allow the comparison between the laws of different nations. This essay aims to use this relationship about the ideas of codifying the law and mapping the laws to think about the possibility of mapping the history of codification, taking as its point of departure the writing specialized codes - not only the civil codes. Mapping can be a means to deal with the relationships between the countries adopting a code, the opportunity to consider the relationships between the codes and the creation of new States, the national processes of unification, the adoption, the political and social revolutions and ruptures. Also, it will try to make correspondences between these phenomena in order to construct tables that could be represented through future maps.


2019 ◽  
pp. 127-146
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Friedman

This chapter discusses the history of American frontier law. The new nation faced the problem of how to deal with the western lands. Some of the states had huge, vague, and vast claims to chunks of western land, stretching out far beyond the pale of settlement; other states did not. The Ordinance of 1787 dealt with the issue of governance and the future of the western lands. It set basic law for a huge area of forest and plain that became the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. The Ordinance of 1790 extended the influence of the Northwest Ordinance into what became the state of Tennessee.


2019 ◽  

‘The legal world finds itself in a state of self-imposed immaturity.’ This was Rudolf Wiethölter’s assessment in 1968, which reflected his discomfort with the law. What help could the political society at that time, which wanted to implement democracy earnestly, expect from a form of law which was influenced by the authoritarian state of the 19th century? It was not possible to make the law relevant to the present and to understand it with other theories using the 19th century ideal of the ‘Juristen als solchen’, the jurist who focuses solely on applying the letter of the law rather than taking extra legal matters into account. The law needed to be clarified, with society needing to know what its rights were and with the law itself needing to understand itself. What about the situation today? Has Germany, as a democratic constitutional and welfare state founded on its Basic Law, come to understand itself in terms of the law? How can the law open up access to politics? What is the state of critical jurisprudence? On the occasion of Rudolf Wiethölter’s 90th birthday, the appraisals of his concepts conducted by the contributions in this book avoid the cosiness and sentimentality adopted by most Festschriften by consistently focusing on his key works and re-evaluating them according to circumstances today, which makes clear that explaining the law requires a reconstruction of its promises and disappointments. Only then can the law understand why breaches of the law by reality can further its own development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-52
Author(s):  
Robiyajan Otamurotova ◽  
◽  
Tayirjan Matyakubov

This article gives you an overview of the great statesman and statesman Amir Temurand his rule of government. The article also describes the political situation in Central Asia in the late 14th and early 15th centuries, the political structure of the state of Amir Temur and the current state positions. It provides information on the work done to study the history of Amir Temur and his country during independence


Author(s):  
Anushka Singh

It traces the discourse on freedom of expression in postcolonial idea, the security imperatives of the state, the political history of the law of sedition post-Independence and its journey within the courts. Through this, an attempt at conceptualizing public order, security of state and other grounds along which the act of sedition is penalized, is made. This chapter begins with debates on sedition within the Constituent Assembly and systematically takes these debates to the higher courts in India employing legal hermeneutics to read into the judgements and deduce a theory of sedition coming from the judiciary. The chapter treats the judicial pronouncements as contributing to the study of sedition as a speech act to identify what emerges as the crime of sedition within the legal-juridical regime in India.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendelmoet Hamelink ◽  
Hanifi Barış

This article investigates how the Kurdish home, borders and the state are depicted in one of the most important Kurdish cultural expressions in Turkey until 1980: the dengbêj art. The recital songs of the dengbêjs form a fascinating source to investigate how Kurds experienced life on the margins of the (nation-)state. We argue that the songs demonstrate that many Kurds perceived the political geography of the state they officially belonged to as foreign and not as a legitimate part of Kurdish socio-political reality. The Kurdish political geography created in the songs exists in small-scale local structures and alliances, and there is mostly no reference to a common Kurdish cause. Borders are presented as foreign interference in the Kurdish landscape. In the conclusion we suggest that Kurdish fragmented political structure should be understood as a deliberate means to avoid being incorporated in a state structure. This speaks against a (self-)Orientalist interpretation of Kurdish history that defines a lack of Kurdish unity as primitive. Dengbêj li ser sînoran: Dîtina sînor û dewletê bi çavên dengbêjan  Ev gotar vedikolê bê welatê Kurdan, sînor û dewlet çawan hatine şayesandin di yek ji girîngtirîn derbirînên çanda Kurdî da li Tirkiyeyê, heta 1980yê: anku dengbêjiyê. Kilamên resîtal ên dengbêjan çavkaniyeka hijmetkar pêk dihînin bo vekolîna serboriyên Kurdan ku mane li qeraxên netewe-dewletan. Em angaşt dikin ku, herçend Kurd bi xwe bi rengekî fermî parçeyek ji erdnîgara fermî ne, kilam destnîşan dikin ku gelek Kurd vê erdnîgara siyasî ya dewletê wekî diyardeyekî biyanî dibînin, ne ku wekî parçeyek rewa ji rastiya sosyo-polîtîk a Kurdîtiye. Erdnîgara polîtîk ya Kurdîtiyê ku di kilaman da hatiye afirandin pile-biçûk e û, bi piranî bêyî dozeka Kurdî ya hevbeş, ji hevalbediyên deverî pêk hatiye. Di kilaman da sînor wekî destwerdanên biyaniyan li welatê Kurdan hatine berpêş kirin. Di dawiyê de em pêşniyar dikin ku a rast Kurd bi zanebûn vê siyaseta parçebûyî meşandine da ku xwe vebidizin ji bişaftinê di avahiya dewletê da. Ev nêrîn di derbarê dîroka Kurdan da li dijî şîroveyên (oto)-oryantalîst e, çikû ew nebûna yekîtiya Kurdan wekî diyardeyekî prîmîtîv dibînin. دەنگبێژانی سەرسنوور. سنوور و وڵات لە ڕوانگە ی شاعیر و گۆرانیبێژی کوردەوە. ئەم وتارە باس لەوە دەکا کە وڵاتی کوردان، سنوورەکان و دەوڵەت چۆن لە یەكێ لە گرنگترین چەمکی کولتوری کوردی لە تورکیا تا ساڵی ١٩٨٠ نیشان دراون: هۆنەری دەنگبێژی. گۆرانییەکانی دەنگبێژەکان سەرچاوەیەکی چڕ و پڕن بۆ لێکۆڵینەوە لەسەر چۆنیەتی ژیانی کوردان لەسەر سنووری دەوڵەتان. ئێمە دەمانەوێ بڵێین کە گۆرانییەکان باس لەوە دەکەن کە زۆرینەی کوردەکان ئەم جۆگرافیا سیاسی فەرمییەی دەوڵەتی تورکیایە وەکوو وڵاتێکی بیانی سەیری دەکەن، نەک وەک بەشێکی یاسایی لە چوارچێوەی کۆمەڵایەتی سیاسی کوردی. جۆگرافیای سیاسی کوردی ناو گۆرانییەکان لە کۆمەڵێک ناوچەی چکۆلە پێک هاتووە و تەنانەت شتێک بە ناوی کێشە و مەسەلەی کورد ئاماژەی پێناکرێ. سنوورەکان وەکوو دەستدرێژی بیانی سەر خاکی کوردان سەیر دەکردێن. لە کۆتاییشدا، چوارچێوەی سیاسی دابەشبووی کوردی دەبێ وەکوو کەرەسەیەکی ڕاستەوخۆ سەیر بکرێ کە پێش بە سازبوونی دەوڵەتێکی کوردی دەگرێ. ئەوەش دژ بە شیکردنەوەی باوەڕی سێلف ـ ئۆریێنتالیستە لە سەر مێژووی کورد کە باس لە نەبوونی یەکگرتوویی کوردی لە بنەڕەتدا دەکا. 


2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”


Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naditn Rouhana ◽  
Asʿad Ghanem

The vast majority of states in the international system, democratic and non-democratic, are multi-ethnic (Gurr 1993). A liberal-democratic multi-ethnic state serves the collective needs of all its citizens regardless of their ethnic affiliation, and citizenship—legally recognized membership in the political structure called a state—is the single criterion for belonging to the state and for granting equal opportunity to all members of the system. Whether a multi-ethnic democratic state should provide group rights above and beyond individual legal equality is an ongoing debate (Gurr & Harff 1994).


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